The 8th NOLAN Conference
“Struggles over resources
in Latin America”
University of Helsinki
June 11-13, 2015
The 8th NOLAN Conference
“Struggles over resources in Latin America”
Debates about Latin American development have seen old
themes return in a new guise. For some, the electoral victories
of various shades of left during the first years of the new
millennium seemed to signal a break with older development
models. Others talked about the return of state-centered
policies associated with classical Latin American
developmentalism. More recently, the importance of natural
resources has become an increasingly hot topic in the debates.
During the first decade of the millennium there was much talk
of a boom of commodities, especially since the demand in
China and India raised the prices for Latin American soy bean,
copper and other raw material exports. Now the boom has
slowed down. The ecological and social impact of the resourceexporting models, often called extractivism, are under heavy
criticism by various social movements. Even if various of the
left-leaning governments have been reelected, there is less
clarity than before about the future of the development models.
The main theme of NOLAN 2015 covers various aspects of the
struggles over natural and human resources in Latin America.
In addition, important themes such as gender struggles, societal
security, Latin America’s role in world politics, knowledges
and beliefs, are brought to the table.
The Organizing Committee of the conference aims at
encouraging the continuity of Nordic academic collaborations
and at promoting new links with its European and Latin
American counterparts.
President of the Organizing Committee: Jussi Pakkasvirta, Professor,
Head of the Department of Economic and Political Studies; Vice
Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Helsinki
Members of the Organizing Committee
Léo Custódio, MA, Doctoral Candidate, University of Tampere
Kajsa Ekroos, MA, Project Coordinator, UniPID, FinCEAL Plus
Toomas Groos, PhD, University Lecturer, University of Helsinki
Markus Kröger, PhD, Docent, Researcher, University of Helsinki
Adrián Monge, MSC, Doctoral Candidate, University of Helsinki
Anja Nygren, PhD, Docent, University Lecturer, University of
Florencia Quesada, PhD, Docent, Researcher, University of Helsinki
Teivo Teivainen, PhD, Professor, University of Helsinki
Johana Turunen, MA, UniPID Network Coordinator
Mikel Wigell, PhD, Researcher, Finnish Institute of International
Affairs (FIIA)
Conference Secretary: Nadia Nava, MA, Doctoral Candidate,
University of Helsinki
Conference assistants
Niina Ahola
Janica Anderzén
Hanna Apajalahti
Maria Blom
Laura Calderón
Jaana Helminen
Maikki Järvi
Raitamaria Mäki
Fanny Nummi
Sini Salminen
América Sandoval
Laura Salazar
Noora Suvanto
Andrew Ullom
UniPID. The Finnish University Partnership for International
Development (UniPID) is a partnership network between
Finnish Universities. UniPID was established in response to the
Johannesburg Summit on Sustainable Development in 2002,
where institutional partnerships for development were
encouraged. Following this Summit, in December 2002,
representatives from eleven Finnish universities assembled at
the University of Jyväskylä and decided to include and
promote international development as a part of their
international strategies.
FinCEAL Plus. FinCEAL Plus is a project financed by the
Finnish Ministry of Education and Culture with the purpose of
increasing support for Finnish researchers focusing on Africa,
Asia and the LAC regions. The project is a continuation and
expansion of the FinCEAL project (2013-2014) and aims to
enhance Finnish expert participation and influence in the EUAfrica, EU-Asia and EU-CELAC Science, Technology and
Innovation (STI) policy dialogues.
Finnish Institute of International Affairs. The Finnish
Institute of International Affairs is a research institute whose
mission is to produce high quality, topical information on
international relations and the EU. The Institute realizes its
aims by conducting research as well as by organizing domestic
and international seminars and publishing reports on its
research and current international issues.
NorLARNet. The Norwegian Latin America Research
Network is an inter-disciplinary network of institutions and
individuals involved in research related to Latin America. It is
meant to provide researchers and experts from all over Norway
with an arena for interaction and cooperation, and to be a main
point of access for all in search of academic knowledge about
Latin America in Norway.
Thursday, June 11, 2015
8:30 am to 9:30 am
9:30 am to 12:00 pm
Opening words by Jussi Pakkasvirta
Keynote Session 1.
Arturo Escobar and Carlos Sandoval
12:00 pm to 1:00 pm
Lunch break
1:00 pm to 3:45 pm
Panel Sessions 1
3:45 pm to 4:15 pm
Coffee break
4:15 pm to 7:00 pm
Panel Sessions 2
8:30 pm
Conference Dinner at Restaurant Piano
Friday, June 12, 2015
8:30 am to 9:00 am
9:00 am to 11:45 am
Panel Sessions 3
11:45 am to 12:45 pm Lunch Break
12:45 pm to 3:30 pm
Panel Sessions 4
3:30 pm to 4:00 pm
Coffee Break
4:00 pm to 6:00 pm
Gudynas and Anthony Bebbington
6:00 pm to 8:00 pm
Rector’s Reception
8:30 pm
City Walk
Saturday, June 13, 2015
10:00 am to 12:00 pm Round Table CLACSO – NOLAN
12:00 pm to 1:00 pm
NOLAN Plenary Meeting and Closing
1. Fractured Ground: Exploring Ideas of Extraction and
Post-Extraction (p.5)
2. Going
Conceptualizations of Modernity and Development in
South America (p.15)
3. Green-Tech Resources in Latin American NeoExtractivism (p.21)
4. Natural resources, social conflicts and local
developmental trajectories in Latin America: Do people
fight for alternative development? (p.28)
5. Decolonizar el Estado y el Derecho (p.37)
6. Analyzing management and resolution of socioenvironmental conflicts in Latin America (p. 42)
7. The Quinoa Dilemma – How to support sustainability
8. Forests and Development in Latin America: From
Struggle to Sustainability (p.52)
9. Amazonian indigenous people and environmental
change (p.55)
10. Battle over meanings: Media representations of poverty
and development in Latin America (p.61)
11. Struggles over Mass Media in Latin America (p.68)
12. Cities and societal security in Latin America (p.71)
13. Criminal organizations, natural resources and social
order: understanding the transformation of violence in
northern Latin America (p.78)
14. Inequality and fiscal policy during and after the
commodity boom in Latin America (p.85)
15. Inequality and Resources in Latin America in the 21st
Century (p.89)
16. U.S.-Cuba Relations: The End of the Cold War in the
Americas? (p.94)
17. Los recursos políticos o la política de recursos en
América Latina: la estagnación o el desarrollo (p.99)
18. Latin America in modern South-South relations: In
search for new theoretical and methodological
perspectives (p.104)
19. Simposium Red Haina. Gender Struggles in Latin
America (p.110)
20. VET Teachers for the future (p.119)
21. Human Resources and Power in Latin America (p.124)
22. Procesos
Afrodescendiente en América Latina y el Caribe (p.131)
23. Winds of change. New ways of being Pentecostalcharismatic in Latin America (p.136)
24. Mesa Redonda CLACSO-NOLAN. América Latina:
Democracia y Ciudadanía en el Laberinto de las
desigualdades (p.141)
a) Cine Ativismo: Short Films as Actions of Media
Activism for Human and Civil Rights in Rio de Janeiro
b) Conversaciones sobre Wirikuta: Huicholes: The last
peyote guardians (p.145)
At the University of Helsinki
Main Conference venue: Metsätalo Building (Unioninkatu 40)
Rector’s Reception: Main Building (Unioninkatu 34)
Lunch venue: All university cafeterias accept the lunch
vouchers. A map with nearby cafeterias can be found at the
information desk.
Conference Dinner: Restaurant Piano (Rauhankatu 15)
June 11
Session 1
Session 2
1:00 pm to
3:45 pm
Panel 1
Panel 4
Panel 9
Panel 12
Panel 22
4:15 to
7:00 pm
Panel 1(II)
Panel 4 (II)
Panel 8
Panel 12(II)
Panel 18
Panel 23
2:00 pm to
3:45 pm
Panel 14
Panel 16
Panel 20
4:30 pm to
6:30 pm
Screening A
June 12
Session 3
9:00 am to
11.45 am
Panel 2
Panel 6
Panel 7
Panel 10
Panel 17
Panel 19
Panel 21
Session 4
12:45 pm to
3:30 pm
Panel 3
Panel 5
Panel 11
Panel 13
Panel 15
Panel 19
Panel 21
Screening B
Keynote Session 1. June 11, 9:30 am.
Moderator: Florencia Quesada
The Political Ontology of Territorial Struggles
Arturo Escobar (University of North Carolina)
The talk develops the framework of political ontology to
examine contemporary struggles for the defense of life and
territory in Latin America at present. Environmental conflicts
and struggles over territory and place, it is argued, can be seen
as ontological struggles for the defense of relational worlds. In
this context, the knowledge and categories created by activists
and communities constitute privileged spaces for imagining the
kinds of transitions needed to face the profound ecological and
social crisis facing the Planet. The argument is illustrated with
recent Afro-Colombian mobilizations against extractivism and
Exclusión y migración forzada en Centroamérica
Carlos Sandoval (Universidad de Costa Rica)
Esta presentación argumenta que en Centroamérica se
desencadenan procesos de emigración forzada, especialmente
como consecuencia de políticas neoliberales. Simultáneamente,
se da un incremento de controles migratorios, entre los cuales
se pueden citar la externalización de fronteras y el
cumplimiento de la ley (“Law enforcement”), que hacen de la
posibilidad de inmigrar una alternativa muy difícil. A ello se
1 agrega la actividad del crimen organizado en regiones por
donde los migrantes procuran avanzar hacia los Estados Unidos.
Estas dinámicas de exclusión y control revelan las dificultades
del capitalismo por contener las contradicciones generadas por
sus propias políticas. Es decir, el desmantelamiento de las
economías locales y regionales procura extender negocios y
ampliar las posibilidades de acumulación, pero desencadena
migraciones que se consideran inaceptables. Cuáles podrían ser
las consecuencias de estas contradicciones es, sin duda, una
interrogante mayúscula. Por lo pronto, las iniciativas de
solidaridad a lo largo de la ruta migratoria hacen que el
panorama sea menos desgarrador.
Keynote Session 2. June 12, 4:00pm.
Moderator: Anja Nygren
“Nuevos ensayos en política y desarrollo en
América del Sur: 5 historias, 5 lecciones”
Eduardo Gudynas (Centro Latino Americano de Ecología
Social, CLAES)
En los últimos 15 años, en América del Sur, se observan un
conjunto de procesos destacados en los campos de la política
(tanto ciudadana, partidaria como estatal), y el desarrollo (en
sentido amplio). Esos procesos revelan tanto cambios como
permanencias, innovaciones como retrocesos. Algunos de ellos
se examinan en la presentación, enfatizando cinco historias
desde casos específicos, de las que se derivan cinco lecciones a
ser atendidas.
2 1) Los extractivismos adquirieron enorme importancia, tanto en
versiones conservadores reajustadas como progresistas. Estos
generaron efectos de derrames sobre distintas dimensiones
sociales, económicas, políticas e incluso culturales.
2) Se expresaron distintas variedades de desarrollo, que
inicialmente parecían muy distintas entre sí, pero ha quedado
en evidencia que todas ellas comparten un basamento común
en cómo entienden el progreso, el bienestar y la Naturaleza.
3) Las ideas del Buen Vivir emergieron como nuevos tipos de
cuestionamientos, que atacaban esas bases compartidas por las
variedades de desarrollo y buscaban alternativas postcapitalistas y post-socialistas (y por lo tanto más allá de la
Modernidad). Esto generó reacciones desde la defensa del
desarrollo, tanto por izquierda como por derecha.
4) La evolución política de estas dinámicas permite identificar
al menos tres tendencias: (a) una izquierda plural que buscó
seguir explorando alternativas, (b) intentos frustrados de
conformar una ruta progresista, pero que retornaron a posturas
conservadoras (y tal vez neoliberales), y (c) la consolidación el
progresismo, como gran experimento político que adquiere una
identidad propia.
Todo esto genera nuevos escenarios para los estudios
3 Mining, risk and climate resilience: governing extractives in
El Salvador and Peru
Anthony Bebbington (Clark University)
The presentation explores the interactions between extractive
industry, climate change and environmental governance
through the lenses of double exposure, double movements,
resilience and risk.
The first part of the talk addresses the nature and scope of
investments in extractive industries in Latin America. The
geography of these investments is changing the actual and
perceived distribution of exposure and risk in the region. The
nature of this risk is also being affected by climate change and
its implications for the geographies of water and land-use.
Much of the contention surrounding extractive industries can
be understood as conflicts over the unequal distribution of this
risk, how to interpret its significance and the ways in which
resilience might be enhanced to respond to it.
The final section of the talk discusses the ways in which
mining governance and governance for resilience converge and,
on the basis of recent (failed) efforts in El Salvador to pass
legislation that would have introduced an indefinite suspension
of mining, analyzes the difficulties in governing extractive
industry in a way that manages risk, builds resilience and finds
bridges between the constraints of governing and the concerns
of social movements. This section draws directly on my own
experience working on the government side of these
Coordinator: John Andrew McNeish (Norwegian University of
Life Sciences)
Conflicts over natural resources in Latin America are evidently
not only focused on fissures made in the ground, but are
evidently connected to deep fractures with society. Whilst we
might agree with Mitchell (2011) that energy extraction and
development of governance structures are mutually constitutive
in the course of history, and that hydrocarbons in particular
have shaped both the possibilities and limitations of modern
democracy, we must also question how these global processes
reflect context specific socio-economic ideas and interactions.
The panel studies specific cases of resource extraction in Latin
America with an aim to highlighting the role that resource
struggles have as part of deep-seated struggles over the
meaning of society, nature and their relationship in the future.
As such the panel highlights the intimate relationship between
natural resource extraction and violent conflict, models of
development and competing epistemologies. Put simply, we
recognize that struggles for natural resources are not only about
material wealth, but localized struggles for power and
In doing so we consider the way in which natural resources
play into the historic development of Latin America as idea not
only as place, from the pre-colonial era to the present. We
consider the place and significance of natural resources within
5 the region´s political economy and the formation of inter-class
relationships and self-perceptions. We also importantly
consider recent regional political, legal and intellectual efforts
to premise an alternative model for development on ideas of
post-extraction and living well. Some of the results of which
are new constitutions where rights (including those of nature)
are enhanced and indigenous claims for territorial autonomy
acknowledged, but glaring contradictions also become evident
between these projects and economic necessity and desire.
Here it becomes clear that as much as energy resources
generate struggle and produce limitations, they are also part of
a wider process to spur and negotiate positive economic,
democratic and cultural change.
John-Andrew McNeish (Norwegian University of Life
“Exploring Post-Extractivism in Latin America”
This paper will critically assess current proposals for a “postextractive” alternative development model in Latin America.
Whilst the profits generated by extraction over the last decade
have significantly contributed to improvement in wide range of
development indictors, the rising numbers of clashes between
local communities, states and private corporations have also
made evident the negative consequences of the extractives
boom. In the face of these negative impacts a new movement
of Latin American intellectuals have acted in connection with
civil society and environmental organizations to protest and
propose alternative principles for development. Drawing on
indigenous ideas of socio-natural harmony and radical
proposals for decolonialism, these scholars propose a “post6 extractivist” model that rejects the destructive tendencies of
Western political and economic thought. In this paper I
critically assess these post-extractive ideas and proposals by
drawing on recent research on the politics and anthropology of
extractive activities in Bolivia and Colombia. The paper
contrasts the philosophical strength and empirical
contradictions of post-extractive ideas. It furthermore argues
that a transition away from a reliance on resource extraction
requires acknowledgement, not denial, of historical
technological, social and environmental complexities.
Juan Pablo Sarmiento Barletti (Durham University)
“The Political Ontology of a Social Conflict: Clashing
Conceptions of Humanity, Territory, and Ownership in the
Peruvian Amazon”
In this paper I argue that the current social conflicts between
states and indigenous peoples at the Latin American extractive
frontier can be best understood, and thus addressed, by
approaching them as ontological struggles. I focus on the
participation of Ashaninka people, an indigenous society in the
Peruvian Amazon, in the Amazonian National Strike of 2009.
The Strike opposed a series of laws proposed by the then
President Alan Garcia, accompanied by the agenda set in his
‘Dog in the Manger’ articles, that put their right to territory in
peril in favour of extractive industries. The Strike involved a
series of motorway, river, and airport blockades, which
violently culminated in lethal clashes between indigenous
people and the police outside the city of Bagua (el Baguazo). I
argue that the indigenous demands for territorio were
misrepresented by the state due to an underlying
misunderstanding of what was at stake in their demands. In the
7 Ashaninka case, territorio is a translation of aipatsite (‘our
earth’) that is deployed for political representation purposes.
Yet, in their everyday experience aipatsite is regarded as a
more-than-human agent that cannot be owned as property, but
can only be engaged with through relationships of care.
Markus Kröger (University of Helsinki) and Rickard Lalander
(Stockholm University)
“Ethnic-Territorial Rights and the Resource Extraction
Boom in Latin America: Do Constitutions Matter?”
In the 2000s, a growing number of rural groups in Latin
America achieved deepened and expanded ethnic-territorial
rights, and large land areas were protected by new progressive
constitutions. This development has been followed by a
resource extraction boom, which has ended up creating
conflicts between the two tendencies, as groups have
demanded for de facto recognition of their new de jure rights.
By comparing both positive and negative de jure and de factoright protection cases in Brazil, Ecuador, Bolivia, and other
Latin American countries, this paper explores whether – and to
which extent- constitutional reforms have mattered in these
dynamics. The results indicate that the new progressive
constitutions are useful for movements in conflict. Moreover,
progressive constitutions may also offer governments and
companies the possibility to show they are operating in an
ethical environment. However, the constitutional provision of
ethnic-territorial rights per se is not sufficient, nor necessarily a
causal condition for local rural populations to attain autonomy
or local land control. The findings are important for social
movement theories, new constitutionalism, agrarian change,
8 and the study of new extractivism, particularly in Latin
Monica Amador, University of Oslo
“Outsorucing en un campo petrolero: De la Texas a los
Chinos en Puerto Boyaca”
Producto del trabajo etnográfico en el Campo Petrolero
Velásquez en el Magdalena Medio colombiano, esta ponencia
explora la articulación de prácticas y estructuras legales e
ilegales en la industria petrolera, en particular es una reflexión
sobre el outsourcing como catalizador del entramado que hace
posible el extractivismo en Colombia. El caso estudiado recoge
elementos para una discusión más global sobre el boom
petrolero en América Latina, ya que el Campo petrolero donde
se hizo la etnografía es propiedad de las empresas estatales
asiáticas: Sinopec (China) y ONGC (India), lo que permite
problematizar la creciente curiosidad sobre la emergencia de
actores asiáticos y sus prácticas laborales y ambientales en
otros lugares fuera de sus países de origen. Como todo trabajo
etnográfico, el propósito de esta reflexión está fuertemente
atada la realidad local y a las particularidades colombianas. En
esta se muestra una experiencia de los chinos afuera, diferente
a la de los chinos en África. Colombia tiene su historia y
construcciones heterogéneas de ciudadanía, resultado de 60
años de conflicto armado, ajustes estructurales y luchas
sociales, en donde los locales no son pasivos ante los asiáticos.
Esta interacción es observable en la respuesta de sindicatos,
comunidades y administradores colombianos a la iniciativa
China. El encuentro entre chinos y colombianos en busca de
crudo, es pues el escenario en donde se reflexiona sobre la
9 transformación de territorios, instituciones y subjetividades en
una Colombia camino al “postconflicto”.
Maria Ehrnström-Fuentes (Hanken School of Economics) and
Markus Kröger (University of Helsinki)
“In the Shadows of Social License to Operate: Untold
Investment Grievances in Latin America”
The concept of SLO has spread rapidly from mining to other
sectors, forestry included. The past decade has seen a massive
increase in industrial forestry investment in Latin America,
focusing in Brazil, Chile and Uruguay, and visible in massive
tree plantations re-ordering rural relations, landscapes and land
uses. While Brazil and Chile have witnessed extensive socioenvironmental conflicts in the form of rural communities'
movements and NGOs protests and campaigns, Uruguay has
been seen as a relatively conflict-free country. However, our
empirical studies in Latin America illustrate how it is
problematic to say that industrial forestry would have an SLO
even in Uruguay, given that there are several voices from rural
communities, for example, which radically contradict the tenets
of SLO. To focus on corporate SLO may lead to the false idea
that a given population would have accepted something too
unanimously, which can lead to surprises as the dynamic
quality of legitimacy is forgotten. These notes help to put the
SLO into the context of rapidly changing and contested rural
realities of the global South, and question the applicability of
the concept, illustrating areas needing further conceptual
Keywords: Social License to Operate, legitimacy, corporate
resource exploitation, natural resource politics, Latin America,
industrial forestry, grievances
10 Maija Merimaa (University of Helsinki)
“Tensions in Environmental Politics in Ecuador. Analysis
of Political Expectations and Perceived Challenges”
In the first years of Rafael Correa’s presidency Ecuador’s
progressive environmental policies aroused global interest.
However, eight years after Correa’s first election Ecuador’s
economic dependency on extractivist activities has increased,
and the government is in an open conflict with environmental
opposition. In my presentation I seek to understand the origins
of these tensions by presenting an analysis of interviews
conducted in Ecuador in February –May 2015.
The focus of my presentation is on how different actors Indigenous movement, environmental organizations, local
opponents and proponents of extractivist activities,
agroindustriales and government representatives - perceive the
state of environmental policies in Ecuador. By analysing the
their discourses I seek to understand what different actors
expect from their country’s environmental policies, what they
consider it’s main challenges and what is causing the tensions
between government and its critics.
Theoretically my presentation relates to the discussion on postdevelopment. I ask what is the future –be it future development
or an alternative to development – that different actors in
Ecuador are advocating for. My focus is on environmental
aspects of post-development theories, and I ask what
environmental compromises are considered (in)acceptable and
for what reasons, and how nature-society –relations are defined
in different discourses.
11 Iselin Åsedotter Strønen (Chr. Michelsen Institute)
“Envisioning a post-petro state? Critical discourses on oilled development from within the Bolivarian process in
Venezuela is often taken to be the epitome of a so-called
“petro-state”. Since its historical foundation as a “modern”
state in the early 20th century, Venezuelan society, economy
and political economy has been intrinsically shaped by the
extraction of “black gold”. Central in the political discourse of
the late president Hugo Chavez was a criticism of not only the
lack of redistribution of oil revenues but also of the country´s
oil dependency and the “rentenist” mentality of many of the
country´s citizens. Moreover, Chavez was a vocal critic of the
capitalist oil-dependent system and its consequences in terms
of climate change. Yet so, there is a profound ambivalence
within the “Bolivarian project” evolving under and after
Chavez with regards to the question of oil. In spite of
awareness both amongst political leaders, ideologues as well as
popular intellectuals about the need to break with the country´s
oil dependency, both politically, economically, as well as
culturally, such critical thinking has not come to the fore in the
otherwise vocal debates about how “the Bolivarian Revolution”
or alternatively “Socialism for the 21 century”, shall evolve.
Locating the analysis within a historical perspective that
addresses how the ambivalence over oil wealth has been a
central tenant in the Venezuelan public ever since oil was first
discovered, the paper will discuss how criticism against
Venezuela´s continuous oil-led development and “oil culture”
has been framed and circulated in public debate in recent years,
and how this ties in with similar debates at the continent
12 Maria-Therese Gustafsson (Stockholm University)
“Ordenamiento territorial como mecanismo
influenciar prácticas extractivas”
Hay distintos mecanismos participativos en la gobernanza
ambiental que todavía no se han dado mucha atención en el
debate académico. En Perú, la sociedad civil ha puesto presión
al estado para implementar procesos de Ordenamiento
Territorial. Este proceso es constituido a través de la
zonificación y la planificación del territorio. Ordenamiento
Territorial es un proceso altamente político en que la sociedad
civil, el sector privado e instituciones estatales están
representados en el proceso de las negociaciones sobre el
desarrollo territorial. Como muchos conflictos están
relacionados, de incompatibles demandas al territorio, los
actores de la sociedad civil y las fuerzas dentro del estado,
argumentan que la zonificación y planificación del territorio
van a reducir los conflictos socio-ambientales. Este artículo
analiza, bajo qué condiciones, las poblaciones locales pueden
influir en las prácticas extractivas y contribuir en la
construcción de un desarrollo alternativo a través del proceso
de ordenamiento territorial. El artículo utiliza teorías de
sociedad civil, participación e influencia en contextos de
relaciones de poder asimétricas y compara dos procesos de
ordenamiento territorial en los Andes Peruanos.
13 Arturo Ezquerro-Canete (Saint Mary's University, Canada)
“The Soy Boom in Paraguay: Progressive Extractivism or
Agribusiness as usual?”
There is a widespread understanding in critical scholarly
literature that, across the heterogeneous field of Latin America
politics, there has been a shift away from the Washington
Consensus. This shift has led to the formation of a variety of
‘post-neoliberal’ states that have managed to integrate an
intensified extractive model with a progressive social agenda
based on poverty alleviation programs. The empirical record of
Paraguay’s economic development model, however, stands out
as a significant counterexample to the experience of its
neighbours. Indeed, in contrast to the Left in much of South
America, which pursues various forms of ‘progressive neoextractivism,’ the Paraguayan Left, under the administration of
Fernando Lugo (2008-2012), was frustrated in implementing
similar reforms to resolve its endemic problems of poverty and
inequality. How can we explain the mystery of Paraguayan
divergence from the neo-extractivist project so prevalent
throughout the region? This paper analyses Paraguay’s rapid
expansion of soybean production –understood here as agroextractivism– and explores how powerful vested interests,
supported by the opposition-led conservative Congress,
repeatedly blocked key funding streams for the Left’s social
welfare and poverty alleviation programs. It argues that
Paraguay’s continued reliance on a development model rooted
in the exploitation of natural resources, without ‘progressive
neo-extractivist’ reform, reflects neoliberal continuities as well
as the political stronghold of an entrenched and predatory elite.
Coordinator: Milton Almonacid (Copenhagen Business School)
Comentator: Teivo Teivainen
Governments in South America remain highly dependent on
raw material exports for revenue, and the resurgence of
nominally leftist governments in recent years has not reversed
this trend. In fact, many countries have increased levels of
extraction in order to use the proceeds to finance social
programs for the poor and middle classes. Despite positive
gains in poverty alleviation, the model of development based
on the extraction of natural resources has faced frequent and
strong criticism from environmental and indigenous activists,
in particular. Extractivism has become one of the main points
of contention between supporters and critics of the growthoriented development pursued by South American
In this context, the panel wishes to critically discuss
extractivism and explore alternative conceptualizations of
modernity and development found in contemporary South
America. Drawing on decolonial studies and postcolonial
theory, the panel presents case studies and discusses
methodologies for integrating alternative conceptualizations of
modernity into development theory and practice in South
15 Mara Duer (Warwick University)
“Enclosure and Land Production in Araucanía. A Case
from the Global South”
Global commodification of land is changing form. Previously,
many rural areas lay outside the scope of state and capital,
allowing local communities to interact with land for
subsistence and social reproduction. The current phase of
capitalist development has seen these places redefined as
‘under-used’ land. But while these represent an asset for the
global market, people living there represent an obstacle for
development. This gives rise to land acquisition involving the
displacement of so-called ‘surplus population’ (McIntyre and
Nast, 2011). In this schema, land is needed but people are not
(Li, 2011). Technologies of spatial governance create a new
regime of bio/necropolitical enclosure, dismantling the social
functions of land for local communities and further estranging
them from it. Practices of enclosure have become a framing
mechanism through which land is incorporated into productive
social functions. Since the ‘discovery’ of America, enclosure
practices have simplified the continent’s land as property and
resource, and, in IR, as terrain and territory. Other
understandings of, and relations to, land have been banalised,
marginalised, invisibilised – and attacked. In this paper,
different regimes of enclosure (Sevilla-Buitrago, 2012) will be
historicised using the key case of Araucanía as a region that
still contests land in its meaning, practices and representations.
A de-colonial approach will illustrate how hierarchical and
racial practices of enclosure and control work to discipline
peoples and land under the colonial matrix of power (Quijano,
16 Juan Camacho Cueva (University of Freiburg, Germany)
“Políticas extractivas y opciones de acción de los pueblos
indígenas alrededor del proyecto Camisea”
Mi investigación tiene como objeto dilucidar la constelación de
poderes al rededor del proyecto de Gas de Camisea en el Perú,
como un caso representativo para casos de extracción de
recursos. En este sentido las preguntas centrales una vez
identificados a los actores involucrados con el proyecto de
Camisea y sus posiciones de poder (Gramsci, Foucault) es el
de dilucidar los intereses, estrategias y poderes implícitos de
negociación de estos actores para acceder a los recursos
naturales. Finalmente el proyecto de investigación pretende
llevar adelante un estudio para encontrar en qué medida los
indígenas tienen la capacidad de negociación o en la
implementación de sus intereses en cuyo enfoque se pretende
tematizar el sumaq kawsay y el enfoque del chanin kawsay
como parte complementaria al Sumaq Kawsay (enfoque propio
de los pueblos del bajo Urubamba, Cusco).
La noción de desarrollo, entendida en un sentido clásico, ha
jugado un papel fundamental para la consolidación de un
aparato jurídico e institucional enmarcado dentro de un modelo
extractivista. En esta medida, mi propósito en esta propuesta es
preguntar si en el escenario extractivista que se analiza, el
discurso del desarrollo que se articula a través de la legislación
colombiana y que se ha creado en un contexto transnacional se
puede comprender como una manifestación de la colonialidad
del poder/saber.
17 Rickard Lalander (Stockholm University)
“Moral Philosophical and Historical Reflections on Sumak
Kawsay and the Good Way of Living in Ecuador:
Challenging the connotations of modernity and
The ancient Indigenous (Kichwa) ethical and philosophical
conception of Sumak Kawsay (Buen-vivir/Good Life) is
undoubtedly among the most resonating of recent
conceptualizations (and criticisms) of modernity and
development in Latin America. The principles of Sumak
Kawsay and the Good Way of Living have been established as
the backbone of the new Ecuadorian Constitution of 2008.
However, the practical and ethical interpretations of what
Sumak Kawsay and Buen Vivir really imply as a fundament of
the functioning of society vary a lot. Even though many
interpreters broadly agree that this philosophy advocates a
harmonic relationship between human beings and the
environment, and likewise arises as an alternative to the idea of
development (understood as economic progress/growth)
questioning its mere essence, the practical and moral
philosophical differences in the definition of the concepts are
broad. For instance, some advocates emphasize Sumak
Kawsay/Buen Vivir as a post-colonial project. Others
emphasize the concept as part of a welfare reform. Scholars
also disagree regarding to which degree Sumak Kawsay/Buen
Vivir is an ecological project. This paper discusses the recent
debate and standpoints regarding Sumak Kawsay and Buen
Vivir in Ecuador from a historical perspective. Thus far no
study has thoroughly examined how recent debates on Sumak
Kawsay and Buen Vivir relates to previous debates in the
Amazon of the late 1990s and early 2000s. The authors lean on
18 ethnographic fieldwork in the Ecuadorian Amazon since the
late 1990s and in the Northern highlands since 2004.
Julia Suárez-Krabbe (Roskilde University)
“World-System and Earth-System. Political Ontology and
Alternatives to Development”
This paper explores the relationship between power
(manifested as ‘development’), ontology and subjectivity.
Power interacts dialectically with subject formation, opening
up several possibilities to people, including participation,
resistance, subversion, avoidance and inaction, as well as the
forging of a range of political ideas. The understanding of these
political subjectivities and their relevance beyond their own
localised settings is often inhibited by approaches to
development that leave its underlying ontological assumptions
unchallenged. Political ontology (Blaser, Escobar, de la Cadena)
is useful to challenge these assumptions, placing development
as one of the expressions of a specific, historically formed and
globalised political ontology, and as one among many political
ontologies that exist in territories considered targets of
development. On this basis the paper discusses two notions
opposing the dominant conception of development: worldsystem (cf. Wallerstein) and earth-system (Solon). What kind
of political practices do these concepts authorize, and which
ones are sanctioned? The discussion implies taking into
account the political ontology that underpins decolonial
conceptualizations inspired in indigenous philosophies and
spiritualities, and the (political) subjectivities that these notions
19 Michela Coletta (University of Warwick/ILAS)
“Critique of Modern Reason: Alternative Ecologies in
Latin American Critical Thought”
The Latin American natural landscape has been imagined and
mapped based on the underlying assumption of an absence of
human history, while nature has continued to dominate the
imaginary of the region - ecotourism being its latest
development. Various interpretations, for instance, have been
suggested about Columbus’ frustration at not being able to
name the flora of the New World and thus immediately identify
the economic value of his new possessions. The Euro-modern
paradigm based on the pursuit of growth through the
objectification of the natural world has recently been
challenged in Latin America in relation to the politics of social,
economic and environmental sustainability. By drawing on
recent and current theoretical approaches to modernity, this
paper seeks to offer an analysis of alternative conceptual
frameworks that have emerged in Latin America on the
relationship between the human and the natural worlds.
Starting from the analysis of the pioneering ecological thinking
of Argentine intellectual Rodolfo Kusch (1922-1979), the
paper will set his work and ideas in relation to contemporary
debates on 'decoloniality' and post-development. The aim is to
identify original categories by shedding new light on a
movement of critical thought that has produced a timely
revision of modernist intellectual, political and economic
Coordinators: Axel Anlauf (University of Freiburg, Germany),
Isabella Radhuber (University of Freiburg, Germany) & Janine
Romero (University of Erfurt)
In the wake of multiple global crises, green growth has been
proposed as an important alternative development strategy. The
promise of a post-carbon society build on alternative energy
sources is tempting. It persuades the possibility of a constant
level of energy consumption even after peak oil and without
further contributing to global climate change. Yet, besides
carbon emissions other factors are decisive for the assessment
of socio-ecological sustainability and fairness. Green
technology expansion develops new resource needs whereby
global business and energy hungry states increasingly focus on
Latin America to secure strategic resources. Examples include
the expansion of lithium exploitation in the triangle between
Chile, Argentina and Bolivia, coltan mining in Colombia or the
use of land for biofuel production, hydropower installations,
wind or solar parks. Similar to traditional „brown”
commodities, newly demanded greentech resources are
exploited within asymmetric power relations. They are likely to
deepen social, political and environmental inequalities since
the extensive appropriation of nature to supply a “green
economy“ endangers ecosystems and livelihoods of local
communities. While the continuities and changes of resource
policies within the contemporary pink tide are extensively
discussed within the neo- extractivism debate, specific
dynamics and discourses around greentech resources have only
marginally received attention in this context.
21 The panel focuses on the interlinked challenges as well as
benefits of a greentech commodity boom in Latin America. We
are interested in different case studies on the exploitation and
use of resources and alternative energy sources for global green
development as well as papers on methodological or theoretical
dimensions of the topic. Contributions are invited from all
scientific fields and can for instance focus on conflict,
governance, regional integration initiatives or political
economies in general. We invite both historical analyses and
future scenario contributions.
Pía Marchegiani (FLACSO-Argentina/ FARN)
“Global benefit, local losses? Can green-tech resources
secure sustainable development at all levels? A local case of
lithium extraction in Argentina”
The re-discovery of lithium as a key supply for batteries for
electronic devices and electric vehicles places the politics and
policies of this mineral in an important position for the
information technology and climate change debates.
As one of the three countries of the “Southern lithium triangle”
Argentina is receiving with great enthusiasm the opportunities
presented and is trying to create a support structure for the
production of batteries in the country. While these strategies
are directed to overcome its traditional role as a natural
resource´s exporter (central for the national government´s
rhetoric), not much attention is being paid to the practical
implications of these policies at a local level. Also, there is
little discussion on the concrete social and environmental
impacts that lithium extraction and production processes have
on the ground.
22 Thus, this paper analyses an environmental impact assessment
(EIA) process of the Olaroz-Caucharí project as a local
decision making case. It looks at three factors which contribute
to the efficiency of EIA process in improving projects in terms
of their environmental performance: 1) the process design; 2)
the characteristics of citizen participation; 3) the external
context of the project. After analysing the three set of factors,
the paper concludes that the EIA process for the case had
limitations in integrating environmental and social concerns
into the project. Also, it calls the attention on the challenges
that arise at national and global levels to avoid the
contradiction between global benefits and local losses.
Andrés Núñez González (Universidad Católica de Chile) y
Enrique Aliste (Universidad de Chile)
“En nombre de la naturaleza: neocolonización,
conservación ambiental y control de la propiedad en
Patagonia-Aysen (Chile)”
El territorio de la Patagonia-Aysén ha estado inserto en la
construcción de un imaginario geográfico de escala nacional.
Así, se han definido desde inicios del siglo XX una serie de
mecanismos de institucionalización del espacio, tales como
exploraciones geográficas y políticas de colonización e
integración. Esos dispositivos, a escala nacional, han tenido un
carácter centro-periferia, al formar parte de discursos de
desarrollo originados desde el poder político. En este marco,
interesa poner atención al discurso del desarrollo proyectado
para Patagonia-Aysén desde el término de la dictadura militar
(1989) en tanto impone una nueva fase de territorialización
para la región. Una de las características más relevantes de este
periodo es la fuerte liberalización económica para la zona y por
23 lo mismo la aparición de un mercado activo en torno a los
productos turísticos y de conservación de la naturaleza.
Aquello ha impactado fuertemente en la propiedad de la tierra,
reestructurándola con base en una fuerte especulación. Esta
etapa no es ajena al proceso de globalización, por lo que la
condición fronteriza de Patagonia-Aysén es conflicto y tensión
entre posiciones que persisten en su integración física y otras
que especulan -bajo el slogan “Aysén Reserva de Vida”- con la
imagen de su posición periférica. De este modo, el discurso de
la conservación y la protección de la naturaleza, a escala global,
se visualiza como un renovado mecanismo de colonialidad
centro-periferia de aquellos territorios australes.
Miriam Boyer (Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut Berlin)
“Two Shades of Green: The Role of Nature in Valuation
Certain resources have been designated as ‘green’ due to their
purported potential as alternative energy sources in the context
of peak oil (e.g. lithium extraction, wind parks, agrofuels).
While these have been studied from the perspective of how
they have reshaped social inequalities in the region,
inequalities also stem from a different process of ‘greening’
that has received less attention. Here, ‘green’ designates the
role of nature—and in particular living nature—in the
transformation of valuation processes.
For some of the dominant global industries ‘green resources’
are interesting as a new transformative power in production, in
particular in the form of new biotechnologies (e.g. the
manipulation of crop plants for the production of
pharmaceutics; yeast cells for the production of industrial
inputs). Moreover, according to a number of scholars have
24 identified that ‘green resources’ play a key role in valuation if
they can be (cheaply) appropriated, rather than valuated. Here,
prominent examples include agricultural crops but also human
natures in the form of labor. Expanding on previous work
within the research network, ‘’ the paper
explores what this other sense of ‘green’ can mean for the
reconfiguration of inequalities. In addition to reshaping
‘classical’ inequalities in terms of power relations, access to
resources and the distribution of risks, new dimensions of
global inequalities become visible, including inequalities in
labor power and the labor process as well as new
socioeconomic inequalities due to devaluation.
Dr. Barbara Göbel (Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut Berlin)
“Lithium as a new green-tech strategic resource: Local
conflicts - new opportunities - transregional inequalities”
Lithium batteries play a crucial role in the development of
more sustainable lifestyles and “green technologies”
(transformation of the energy mix with more renewables and
electric mobility). The so called “lithium triangle” with the
Salar de Atacama (Chile), the Salar de Uyuni (Bolivia), and a
couple of smaller salars in northwestern Argentina,
holds about 70 % of the worldwide exploitable lithium brine
reserves. The expectations of an increasing global demand for
lithium triggered economic interests, raised political attention
and societal awareness on these peripheral regions. Based on
research in Atacama different scenarios of negotiation between
local indigenous communities, mining companies and the state
will be presented. Strategies range from long-term financial
arrangements through corporate social responsibility
mechanisms, fast-track low compensations through clientelist
25 networks up to open opposition of the communities towards
lithium mining. Despite the different outcomes, these
negotiations are embedded in persistent configurations of
inequalities. At the same time indigenous actors strategically
use the symbolic value of lithium in order to gain
Evelyn Linde (Freie Universität Berlin)
“Un análisis interseccional de la generación de
conocimientos para la industrialización de los recursos
evaporíticos en el Salar de Uyuni”
La investigación acerca del neoextractivismo pocas veces
asume una perspectiva integral de género. La metodología de la
interseccionalidad, no obstante, permite realizar un análisis de
las interrelaciones entre categorías de desigualdad con una
perspectiva integral de género. Lograr económicamente y en la
generación de conocimientos una nueva posición en el mundo
– Esta meta establece la GNRE, entidad responsable del
proyecto estatal de la industrialización de los recursos
evaporíticos en los salares de Bolivia. La industrialización del
litio y la producción de baterías de ión litio son de suma
importancia también para un país como Alemania, donde las
tecnologías verdes juegan un papel clave. Por lo tanto resulta
interesante analizar los entrelazamientos existentes entre
Alemania y Bolivia en la generación de conocimientos.
Dependiendo de las tecnologías aplicadas, existe el peligro de
que la región se convierta en la “zona de sacrificio” de la
transición energética de los países del Norte Global. En la
investigación expuesta se analizará cuáles conocimientos se
generan para la industrialización de los recursos evaporíticos
en el Salar de Uyuni y quién produce las tecnologías para quién.
26 Junto al proyecto estatal cabe mencionar que existe un
proyecto que investigó en una tecnología divergente a la de
GNRE. La Universidad Autónoma Tomás Frías inventó en
cooperación con la TU Bergakademie Freiberg la tecnología de
los conos de evaporación solar. En la comparación de los dos
proyectos se pretende enfocar los diferentes entrelazamientos
entre categorías de desigualdad.
Coordinador: Javier Arellano-Yanguas
Comentarista: Anthony Bebbington (Clark University)
independientemente de su signo político han apostado por
promover la inversión en la extracción de minerales e
hidrocarburos y en la agricultura a gran escala. El proceso ha
transformando los regímenes de control del territorio, dando
mayor poder a inversores extranjeros. En este contexto, se
evidencia el aumento del número de conflictos sociales que
enfrenta a pobladores rurales con empresas y estado.
Frecuentemente esos conflictos son presentados en términos de
colisión entre distintos modelos de desarrollo: las poblaciones
locales defienden un tipo de desarrollo que es incompatible
con un modelo basado en la preeminencia del capital y la
concentración de recursos y poder. Aunque esa
incompatibilidad sea real, la evolución de la confrontación
puede desvelar la coexistencia dentro de las poblaciones
locales de visiones diversas que en función de su fuerza
relativa dan lugar a negociaciones y procesos de acomodo a las
nuevas circunstancias. Entender cómo se dan esos procesos a
nivel local y cómo influyen en las trayectorias de desarrollo en
las que se embarcan esos territorios es de suma importancia.
Los papers que se presentan en este panel analizan procesos en
distintas regiones rurales de países latinoamericanos en los que
en los últimos 15 años se han dado conflictos en torno a la
expansión de la inversión en Industrias Extractivas y/o la
agricultura a gran escala . El análisis se centra en los procesos
28 socio-políticos que han tenido lugar en los espacios locales y el
tipo de desarrollo al que se encaminan esas regiones, tratando
de evaluar hasta qué punto la forma de abordar el conflicto
influye en la trayectoria de desarrollo de la región.
Javier Arellano-Yanguas (Universidad de Deusto)
“Devolving the wealth or the curse? The politics of
devolving natural resource revenues to local governments
in four Andean countries”
Los gobiernos de los países latinoamericanos que han optado
por la promoción de la minería y la explotación de
hidrocarburos tienen que responder a los crecientes reclamos
de las poblaciones directamente afectadas por las industrias
extractivas (IE). La transferencia de parte de los ingresos
fiscales generados por las IE a los gobiernos sub-nacionales de
las zonas productoras ha sido una de las estrategias empleadas
para responder a esos reclamos.
La comparación de Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador y Perú ayuda a
entender los factores políticos e institucionales que influyen en
los distintos modelos de distribución de los ingresos fiscales de
la minería e hidrocarburos seguidos en cada país. La
comparación revela que existen dos factores claves para
explicar el mayor o menor grado de devolución al nivel local:
(i) la distinta fuerza de las movilizaciones locales y (ii) el tipo
de actores presentes en las movilizaciones y su vinculación con
la política nacional. El paper también adelanta algunos
hallazgos sobre cómo la manera en la que esas políticas de
distribución se han construido influye en la manera en la que se
gastan las transferencias y, por tanto, su capacidad de generar
desarrollo local.
29 Alejandro Schweitzer (Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones
Científicas y Técnicas - Universidad Nacional de la Patagonia
“Conflictos por el territorio y los bienes comunes en la
Patagonia Sur”
La Patagonia sur es desde mediados del Siglo XIX espacio de
ocupación para la puesta en valor de la riqueza de sus bienes
comunes naturales del suelo, subsuelo y el litoral marítimo, en
dinámicas se enmarcan en procesos de desarrollo geográfico
desigual y expansión del capital hacia espacios donde las
condiciones de explotación de mano de obra y de la naturaleza
son más favorables.
En el marco del actual escenario de convergencia de pautas de
consumo material y aumento de demanda de recursos de la
naturaleza asociados la emergencia de China entre otras nuevas
potencias, se reproducen y acrecientan en la Patagonia
mecanismos históricos de expansión de fronteras internas y de
transferencia de bienes materiales desde las actividades
extractivas y localizadas en espacios rurales hacia los grandes
espacios de consumo mundial.
A fin de asegurar el proceso de valorización del territorio los
países de la región adoptan modelos neodesarrollistas donde el
Estado disputa por la participación en la renta aplicando
políticas pro-cíclicas. En Argentina y la Patagonia Sur en
particular, estos procesos entran en conflicto y generan
resistencias locales y regionales tanto por el acceso a bienes
comunes como por proyectos de territorio asentados en
modelos alternativos.
En la presente ponencia se apunta a presentar las dinámicas de
los procesos de expansión del capital en la Patagonia Sur, las
resistencias emergentes y las configuraciones territoriales
30 resultantes en tanto cristalización en el espacio de relaciones
sociales cada vez más conflictivas.
María del Pilar Bernal Gómez (Universidad de Deusto)
“Transformación de los territorios por conflictos sociales
en contextos de extracción: petróleo y carbón en Colombia”
En los últimos 20 años Colombia ha vivido una acelerada
expansión del sector extractivo como motor del crecimiento
económico, al igual que varios países en Latinoamérica. Junto
a la ampliación del número de territorios dedicados a la
extracción de recursos naturales, se vive la proliferación de
conflictos sociales a nivel local y se incrementan los debates
respecto a la capacidad de este tipo de actividad para generar
desarrollo en sus zonas de influencia.
Para entender las dinámicas que se generan alrededor del
desarrollo de Industrias Extractivas en lo local el estudio tiene
dos puntos de partida. Primero, la comprensión del conflicto
social como una forma de interacción entre actores que produce
cambios y exige procesos de adecuación del sistema social,
económico y político. Segundo, la posibilidad de
transformación que tienen los conflictos sociales a lo largo de
su trayectoria de desarrollo. Con este marco la ponencia
presenta, a través de dos estudios de caso ubicados en el norte
(Cesar) y el suroriente (Meta) del país, los distintos tipos de
conflictos que ocurren en los lugares donde se llevan a cabo
actividades de extracción de minerales e hidrocarburos, las
transformaciones que ellos generan y la manera cómo su
abordaje puede favorecer o entorpecer procesos de desarrollo
local sostenible en los territorios.
31 Alicia Alemán Arrastio (Universidad de Deusto)
“Ganarse la vida en el campo. El papel de ONGD,
instituciones públicas y empresas en la promoción de
capacidades para el desarrollo ”
En el ámbito de los estudios del desarrollo, los últimos 20 años
se han caracterizado por el predominio del enfoque de
capacidades inspirado por Amartya Sen y promovido por el
Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD).
Tanto ONGD como empresas e instituciones públicas de los
diferentes niveles de gobierno han ido incorporando dicho
enfoque en las estrategias e intervenciones que ha
implementado en el terreno. Por otra parte, se han multiplicado
las aportaciones al debate sobre el desarrollo desde enfoques
alternativos, postdesarrollistas, permeando así el discurso y la
práctica de algunas ONGD.
La investigación estudia: i) la forma en la que dos ONGD , el
Centro de Promoción del Campesinado (CIPCA) en Piura
(Perú) y el Instituto Mayor Campesino (IMCA) en el Valle del
Cauca (Colombia) han incorporado el enfoque de las
capacidades en la promoción de actividades económicoproductivas en 4 distritos rurales de Piura y 4 corregimientos
del departamento del Valle del Cauca en el periodo 1994-2014,
ii) la forma en que dichas capacidades han quedado o no
reflejadas en los medios de vida de las familias campesinas y
en las apuestas de desarrollo local, iii) la forma en que CIPCA
e IMCA han interactuado con otras ONGD, instituciones
públicas y empresas para el acomodo de las distintas visiones
de desarrollo existentes en los territorios, iv) las
potencialidades y límites del enfoque de las capacidades y de
los enfoques postdesarrollistas para promover el bienestar de
32 las familias y de los territorios donde se producen las
intervenciones inspiradas en dichos enfoques.
Maria A. Guzmán Gallegos (Rainforest Foundation Norway)
“Fragmenting water: Constrained spaces of influence”
This paper focuses on a 3-year process of demands and
negotiations carried out by four indigenous organizations in
Loreto, in Peru. It started before the Law of Consultation was
passed on, intertwining deep felt grievances caused by severe
contamination of soil and water bodies due to oil extraction and
ongoing socio-environmental local conflicts with newly
guaranteed rights and the state’s urgency of securing oil
production in the biggest oil field in Peru. The indigenous
organizations, representing the communities of the basins of
the Pastaza, Corrientes, Tigre and Marañón demanded state
recognition of contamination and environmental damages,
remediation, compensation and titling of their lands before
accepting any consultation in their communities. The state
declared these four basins in environmental and sanitary
emergency, and in February 2015 an agreement was eventually
reached. This paper focuses on what I provisionally call the
“fragmentation of water”. I explore how Peru’s legal density
(laws, regulations and their continuous modifications), the lack
of coordination between ministries, between the central and the
regional government, the ongoing compensation practices of
the operator, and the difficulties of establishing trustworthy
alliances between actors within civil society influence this
process. The decentralization of the state and the liberalization
of the extractive sector constitute spaces of political interaction
that generates social fragmentation and the fragmentation of
vital resources as water.
33 Manuela Nilsson (Linnaeus University, Sweden)
“Restituting Land in the midst of Violence: A Case Study of
Land is an important natural resource particularly for
developing countries, tackling poverty by providing food
security and export dividends. Protracted social conflict,
however, may lead to decades in which land is underused,
destroyed, or changes hands in both legal and illegal ways,
often related directly to power asymmetries of the conflict
actors. When peace finally comes, part of social reconstruction
may involve restituting that land to its rightful owners. Despite
being a high priority for the international community, land
restitution is often contingent upon other peacebuilding steps.
However, post-conflict reconstruction necessitates rapid
attention to agricultural production and resource extraction to
spur development and economic growth, which in turn may
help to prevent renewed conflict.
This paper is the result of a pilot study conducted on the land
restitution process in Colombia. It looks particularly at the
impact of land restitution on three interrelated peace building
goals: security, development and transitional justice.
Conducted in October 2014 with the first communities who
were returned to their land, the study included interviews with
the main actors involved in land restitution, ranging from
international organizations to the Unit of Land Restitution in
Bogotá to regional judges who ruled on land restitution to local
communities that have received land and those awaiting the
final legal decision. Preliminary results demonstrate the
challenges to the Colombian land restitution process at all
levels, particularly amidst conditions of violence.
34 Maria Ehrnström-Fuentes (Hanken School of Economics)
“Building legitimacies from below: The cultivation of
‘Alternatives to Development’ in the Uruguayan
The aim of this study is to explore how a legitimacy embedded
in alternatives to development can emerge under conditions of
near complete naturalization of the development imaginary.
The study asks, under almost complete naturalization of
development, how can marginalized voices construct
alternative imaginaries for the future? This question is explored
based on a case study of the Forestry Sector in Uruguay, where
the extended border conflict with Argentina over the
construction of a pulp mill has reinforced the political support
for such industrial projects among the majority of Uruguayans.
Still, many Uruguayan smallholders continue to fight a
silenced battle against the spread of eucalyptus tree plantations
that affect their lives by drying up water wells and
depopulating the countryside. Through expert in-depth
interviews with affected smallholders and NGO representatives
who support their struggle, the study finds two different coping
strategies to defend livelihoods among those threatened by the
spread of plantations: one based on the traditional form of
resistance by organizing and raising claims in the public sphere,
and another one engaged in building new future imaginaries
and meanings of the value of land among local community
members. The article explores the possibilities that the two
different strategies have to change current the favorable
conditions for forestry investments, and consequently impact
the perceived legitimacy and desirability.
35 Markus Rauchecker (Freie Universität Berlin)
“La relevancia de la estructura del Estado en la disputa por
el modelo de desarrollo en Argentina”
Los Estados latinoamericanos en su mayoría siguen un modelo
de desarrollo basado en la explotación de recursos naturales.
En Argentina domina el cultivo de soja transgénica que genera
vastos ingresos para la agroindustria, los agroproductores y
otros, pero también para el Estado a través de retenciones a las
exportaciones. El cultivo de soja genera varios conflictos
sociales y políticos de los cuales el conflicto por el uso de
agroquímicos es uno de los más difundidos. El uso de
agroquímicos es uno de los pilares de la producción de soja
transgénica. Mientras su uso está cada vez más restringido en
el nivel local del Estado a raíz de movimientos locales en
contra de las pulverizaciones, en el nivel nacional y provincial
la política casi no avanza y los actores estatales fomentan el
modelo de desarrollo sojero. En el paper muestro que el debate
por el modelo de desarrollo a través del conflicto por los
agroquímicos en Argentina está estructurado por la división de
trabajo del Estado y el nivel del Estado en donde los grupos de
interés tienen la capacidad de imponer sus demandas. La
agroindustria ejerce su influencia dominante en el nivel
nacional y provincial del Estado para impedir una regulación
más estricta como en el registro de agroquímicos, mientras los
movimientos en contra de los agroquímicos pueden imponer
sus intereses en el nivel local donde se puede regular el uso de
agroquímicos pero en una área territorial limitada. Por ende la
disputa por el modelo de desarrollo depende directamente de la
estructura del Estado y sus jerarquías en un sistema hiperpresidencial.
Coordinador: Aitor Jiménez González, UNAM
Nos encontramos en un momento indudablemente crítico en
cuanto al papel de los pueblos en la configuración del devenir
de América Latina. La esperanza de cambio radical compartida
a principios del siglo XXI está dando paso al realismo mas
pragmático por parte de sus gobernantes. El discurso
anticolonial oficial de los gobiernos partícipes del nuevo
constitucionalismo latinoamericano está dando paso a prácticas
reales de colonialidad del poder y de la naturaleza semejantes a
la de otros países del entorno. Proponemos abrir un debate que
permita reflejar la contradicción en el seno de los procesos
emancipatorios en América Latina. Se propone enfocar la
discusión en la aplicación del derecho en casos de
megaproyectos (minería, carreteras, represas) desarrollados
tanto en los países del llamado nuevo constitucionalismo
(Bolivia, Venezuela, Ecuador) como en otros referentes de
explotación extractiva (México, Argentina, Chile, Brasil), para
poder debatir acerca de las posibilidades, logros y límites del
nuevo constitucionalismo y de la repercusión que ha tenido el
marco de Derechos Humanos en el conjunto de América Latina.
También queremos abrir un debate sobre el nuevo papel que
deben tener unas Relaciones Internacionales no coloniales que
tengan en cuenta las problemáticas de devastación ambiental,
pero que quieran alejarse del paradigma de Capitalismo Verde.
37 Elena Pavlova (University of Tartu)
“Decolonial dialogue from Bolivian perspectives”
The concept of “Decolonization” is actively debated not only
among IR scholars or political elites; this is a principal topic of
socio-political discourse in Bolivian society. This paper aims to
explore the dual nature of the decolonial discourse in Bolivia,
where attempts to address the pre-colonial philosophical legacy
are combined with traditional leftist rhetoric. The paper thus
focuses on different interpretations of the concept of “vivir
bien”, as it is advanced by the current political elites and the
social group called “indigenous bourgeois”. This analysis gives
an opportunity to discuss the influence of the local myth on the
debate about the possibility to formulate a new counterhegemonic trend in the Third World. The paper is based on
deep interviews conducted in December 2014 in Cochabamba
and La Paz.
Magdiel Sánchez Quiroz (Universidad Autónoma del Estado
de Morelos)
“La refundación del Estado en México desde la sociedad
En la última década se ha reconfigurado el mapa político de
América Latina. Por un lado, fuerzas políticas desarrollaron
una reformulación del Estado a base de un nuevo
constitucionalismo. En un sentido opuesto, otras sostuvieron
proyectos imperantes, conservaron el marco constitucional del
que emanaron pero modificaron los principales soportes del
derecho instituido para expandir el libre comercio. Sin
embargo, en estos últimos países también hay tendencias
emancipadoras. En México un bloque amplio compuesto por
38 movimientos sociales y comunitarios, intelectuales, líderes de
iglesias y pequeños empresarios han planteado construir una
salida ciudadana a la evidente crisis política a partir de la
redacción de una nueva Constitución. Su propuesta se basa en
el diagnóstico del Tribunal Permanente de los Pueblos-México
(TPP) sobre el desmantelamiento jurídico por el libre comercio
y megaproyectos. Sin definir tiempos precisos plantean desatar
la construcción de un sujeto comunitario que de modo masivo
se aboque a la redacción de un nuevo texto constitucional y
nombre una nueva representación.
La presentación analiza los límites y posibilidades de esta
propuesta en el marco del derecho instituido en México, de su
relación con la nueva legalidad implantada por el libre
comercio y a la luz de la experiencia de los recientes procesos
constituyentes acontecidos en América Latina. Se problematiza
también sobre los retos decoloniales de un proceso
constituyente en el país de América que más tratados de libre
comercio ha signados.
Elizabeth Pelisson (University of Coimbra)
“Impasses e alternativas: os direitos socioambientais frente
à agenda neoextrativista brasileira”
Sob o lema “é preciso crescer o bolo para depois dividi-lo” da
ditadura militar, o denominado milagre econômico brasileiro
dos anos 1968-1973 construiu-se na realidade com aumento da
concentração de renda, degradação ambiental, ocupação da
Amazônia para projetos agrário-exportadores, e supressão de
todos os direitos fundamentais, sobretudo das populações
autóctones. No atual período democrático, apesar da
progressista Constituição Federal de 1988, violações de direitos
humanos e perseguição dos que lutam por justiça ambiental
39 ainda são práticas constantes em nome do crescimento
econômico necessário para garantir um suposto avanço em
políticas sociais.
O neodesenvolvimentismo, defendido pela era Dilma como
única via de obter o crescimento econômico que permitiria
combater a exclusão social, mostra-se tão agressivo quanto
equivocado como o modelo desenvolvimentista outrora
implementado regime militar. Tal continuidade deve-se ao fato
de que, apesar do discurso contra-hegemônico presente
na ascensão de governos mais progressistas na América Latina,
a região mantém seu papel extrativista primário-exportador na
divisão internacional do trabalho. Para escapar às maldições do
neoextrativismo, movimentos sociais falam em alternativas ao
desenvolvimento ou pós-desenvolvimento, enquanto são
comparados por boa parte da esquerda latino-americana aos
arautos do Clube de Roma. Mas, será que para promoção do
bem-estar coletivo no Sul global, i.e. no Brasil, estar-se-á
fadado à exploração de recursos naturais a qualquer preço e à
secundarização dos direitos socioambientais?
Nidia Catherine González (University of Bologna)
“Innovation on governance, inclusion and sustainability:
Plurinational Constitutions and energetical nationalism in
Latin America”
Over the last decades Latin America has assisted to different
constitutionalism wave of the 90’s, this region took place the
period of “crisis of presidentialism”. The international
community is looking for new options of governance as an
alternative against the instability of the political institutions,
but not only, the meta-governance agenda is also concern of
40 how to ensure current societies against the violence and
insecurity into the extreme population growth of multicultural
societies.In the last decade some countries such as Bolivia and
Ecuador have refounded their constitutions through the
“plurinational constitutions ” and the “energetical nationalism ”,
these policy instruments have verified the emergence of a
different kind of governance, inclusion and social sustainability
in the Latinamerican region. Bolivia and Ecuador are countries
with a meaningful indigenous population, that recently have
established plurinational constitutions as a legal structure that
expand the concept of the nation, not only in relation to society,
but also in relation to the sustainability of the natural resources
and the social sustainability of global, local and national
Coordinator: Mikael Wigell (Finnish Institute of Foreign
While exports of raw materials have been a major driving force
of economic growth in Latin American for the last fifteen years,
the production or extraction of these materials has at times had
significant social and ecological negative impacts. Because of
the governance and institutional deficits that several countries
in Latin American have, these negative impacts have often not
been addressed adequately. As a result, socio-environmental
conflicts between companies, particularly transnational
enterprises, and concerned communities have often arisen.
While several international and transnational initiatives to
improve governance of these fields have been adopted in the
last fifteen years, these conflicts continue to arise and are at
times addressed inadequately. The panel seeks to analyze in
detail the causes of these conflicts, their nature, particularly
whether they are characterized as collective, the mechanisms
used for their resolution, the role of selected actors in their
management and resolution, and how are these conflicts
resolved when this is done.
By closely examining these themes in a region in which socioenvironmental conflicts between companies, particularly
transnational ones, and concerned communities have often
arisen, the panel will shed new and valuable light on the topical
theme of the management and resolution of these conflicts,
including the role that international and transnational initiatives
to improve governance of these fields have played.
42 Matti Salo (Natural Resources Institute Finland)
“Faking and making the institutional fit: formalization
game in the Madre de Dios gold fields, Peru”
The recent Amazonian gold rush associated with global price
hikes and large-scale infrastructure projects has inflated the
economy of the Madre de Dios region in Peruvian Amazonia.
The Peruvian State has contributed to this development through
a combination of investment-friendly policies and absence of
efficient governance related to land-use planning and (fiscal)
regulation. As a response to the uncontrolled expansion of the
mining frontier and its associated social and environmental
costs, the Peruvian Central Government has adopted a dual
strategy of formalization and interdiction, the former involving
a technical-bureaucratic process and the latter offering police
operations and even military air strikes to illegal mining
facilities. The social impacts of this strategy have become
apparent in the region. The formalization front has stagnated,
however, with the interdiction activities becoming the synonym
of State involvement. The situation is exacerbated by the fact
that the region suffers from an economic downturn related to
the completion of the infrastructure construction projects. All
this has left little room for creative bottom-up approaches and
initiative from the Regional Government of Madre de Dios,
while also vested interests and lack of political will
characterize the current cul-de-sac. In this paper, based on a
series of three workshops organized in Puerto Maldonado in
March 2015, I present an alternative strategy, based on the
management of the social impacts of the formalization process
43 Gabriela Cuadrado (University of New South Wales)
“Groundwater governance, social conflicts and alternatives:
experiences from Costa Rica”
The effective and sustainable governance of groundwater
continues to be elusive, politically contentious and generating
social conflicts. In this context many nations face various
challenges, such as experimenting with the development and
enforcement of laws, policies and plans for managing
groundwater problems. Nevertheless, when the rule of law has
been broken social conflicts have arisen.
This research seeks to answer the following question: To what
extent social conflicts can be avoided and effective and
sustainable groundwater governance achieved?
In order to answer this question, the research follows a mixed
methods approach. First, a doctrinal analysis is conducted, then
an analysis of national policies, water laws and planning laws
in Costa Rica and internationally is completed. Subsequently a
qualitative analysis is incorporated by using in-depth
interviews with 40 stakeholders in Costa Rica in groundwater
governance in practice.
A comparison of two case studies indicate that groundwater
crisis can help motivate people to actively engage in
groundwater governance. Furthermore, when there is local
governmental support this can contribute to implement local
legislation such as planning instruments and address some
groundwater problems. Additionally, the findings show that
negative incentives (e.g. enforcement or the threat of
enforcement) through groundwater laws and plans can
encourage people to sustainably use groundwater.
Unfortunately, the force of the law is not enough for certain
44 actors (e.g. multinational corporations) who only respond to
civil unrest.
Jacobo Ramírez (Copenhagen Business School)
opposing Green-energy mega projects”
The importance of indigenous groups has extended beyond
political dynamics into the economic and social arenas. This
paper employs the institutional logic to investigate the
approaches adopted by indigenous peoples in their opposition
to a wind energy park in Oaxaca, Mexico. This research is
based on participatory observation, 35 interviews and two
focus groups, and a deductive content discourse analysis. The
results indicate that Zapotecas and Huaves endorse the idea of
addressing climate change through the development of wind
energy parks because such development will help ensure the
survival of fishing and agriculture. The results tend to indicate
that the institutional logic regarding development seems to
match the logic of the Mexican political and economic elites.
On the other hand, the implementation process of the wind
energy park in Oaxaca, Mexico has fostered a mismatch of
institutional logics between Oaxaca’s indigenous communities
and the Mexican political and economic elites. The institutional
context of Oaxaca, Mexico reveals the struggles of indigenous
communities who are challenged by questionable institutional
arrangements from political and economic elites. This Oaxaca
saga provides fertile ground for further developing new
elements in studying the institutional context and social
movements that combat the power of political and economic
elites in Latin America and beyond.
45 Susanna Myllylä (University of Jyväskylä)
“Ethnoterritoriality confronting multinationals: Indigenous
peoples’ perceptions of pulp and paper industries in
Atlantic coastal Brazil”
In the state of Espírito Santo, Brazil, the multinational
company Aracruz Celulose had a long-term and violent land
dispute with the Tupinikim and the Guaraní. Eventually the
company had to withdraw and pay compensations to the
communities. Then Aracruz was merged with Votorantim
Celulose e Papel, resulting in a new company; Fibria Celulose.
The second case study is situated in the state of Bahia, where
Veracel Celulose is a joint venture formed by Fibria and the
Swedish-Finnish Stora Enso. Since prior to its establishment,
Veracel has had land disputes with the Pataxó. The three
Indigenous communities share a common background
concerning their territorial claims and experiences of pulp
production. In the land conflicts with the corporations the
Indigenous peoples’ territories, livelihoods and identities have
been mutually recreated via the processes of ethnogenesis and
ethnoterritoriality. The corporate tactics in gaining societal
legitimacy, both in Brazil and in Finl
and, were identified and categorized into thematic groups.
These tactics used in practice were then compared to the
companies’ corporate social responsibility principles, which
exhibited a great discrepancy between the two. In addition, the
Indigenous groups’ various resistance movement strategies and
their counter-arguments as they searched for legitimacy for
their land claims were analyzed: how they speak and act for for
themselves? How do Indigenous Peoples define responsible
46 Violeta Gutiérrez Zamora (University of Helsinki)
“Peasant organizations and the construction of claims
against GM corn in Mexico”
Since the decade of 1990, Mexico has faced the dilemma
between allowing Genetically Modified (GM) corn plantations
in its fields, and preserving its corn landraces along with the
agrodiversity associated to milpa cultivation systems. As corn
has a central stage in the national culinary traditions and
remains the main source of peasant and indigenous
communities’ livelihoods, anti-GM corn claims have rooted in
many peasant and indigenous organizations.
In this paper, I will examine the construction of claims against
GM corn in Mexican peasant organizations that have identified
with the Food Sovereignty discourse in Mexico. The study is
based on interviews conducted with members of five
organizations in different periods of time.
These peasant organizations have established their anti-GM
corn position by focusing on arguments that unite ecological
and cultural concerns to achieve agricultural sustainability. In
the organizations’ campaigns and arguments corn is used as
symbol of struggle against transnational and national
corporations, in order to defend their identities and natural
resources. The organizations also employ food sovereignty
concept to construct a different image of the “campesinado” in
which they depict themselves as protectors and guardians of
Mexico’s biocultural heritage.
Coordinator: Susanne Friis Pedersen (Bioforsk Organic Food
and Farming Division, Norway)
The panel deals with the fact that the ancient quinoa crop
formerly only cultivated and consumed by poor remote farmers
in the Andes, now has become worldwide attractive. During
the last decade, quinoa has become popular and attractive for
many groups of consumers all over the world. This is mostly
due to the plants high nutritional values and therefore it has
been praised as superfood.
Faced with the challenge of increasing the production of
quality food to feed the world's population the United Nations
General Assembly declared 2013 as the "International Year of
Quinoa". FAO promotes quinoa for the plants adaptability to
extreme climate conditions and at the same time acknowledge
the Andean people by being guarantees for the conservation of
this brilliant crop. It seems to offer a solution for food
sovereignty and security in vulnerable areas. On the other hand,
practice today seems to drive in another fatal direction. With
too high loaded extraction from the Andean natural resources
and provoking social conflicts among farmers on the sites,
many challenges occurs. In traditional cultivation of quinoa
crop rotation were important with quinoa returning to the same
spot every eight year. In between the quinoa crops, the fields
were prevalent used as pasture for lamas and other camelids.
Currently, crop rotation of quinoa is minimized and lamas are
displaced. In addition, harvest time has turned out to be full of
conflicts due to entitlement to the crop and upcoming of nonorganic cultivations. This is the quinoa dilemma!
48 How can all three aspects of sustainability (ecological,
economic and social) be supported? To what extent is
sustainability valued in agriculture management in Southern
Bolivia, the center of quinoa production? What is status of
natural resources in the area? How are quinoa producers
organized? How is food trade organized and what impact has
the trade system on the people involved?Andean and Finnish
grains: latest trends in food development
Susanne Friis Pedersen (Bioforsk Organic Food and Farming
Division, Norway)
“Introduction to the quinoa dilemma”
Historically quinoa has been cultivated in six South American
countries even before the Inca culture. The prevalence of
quinoa shrinked remarkably during the last century but
expanded tenfold in the beginning of this century and has
become an important product for export. To introduce the topic
the traditional and the innovative use is presented. The
dilemma along with the dilemma of how to defend and protect
natural and human resources as well.
Sven-Erik Jacobsen (University of Copenhagen)
“The situation of quinoa production in Bolivia the center of
quinoa production. What is status of natural resources in
the area? To what extent is sustainability valued in
In traditional cultivation of quinoa crop rotation were important
with quinoa returning to the same spot every eight year. In
between the quinoa crops, the fields were prevalent used as
pasture for lamas and other camelids. Currently, crop rotation
49 of quinoa is minimized and lamas are displaced. In addition,
harvest time has turned out to be full of conflicts due to
entitlement to the crop and upcoming of non-organic
Kristine Skarbø (Norwegian University of Life Sciences)
“Genetic erosion of quinoa varieties – An Ecuadorian case”
Quinoa exists in a large number of varieties that are adapted to
different climates and growing conditions. Conservation and
continued cultivation of genetic diversity is an important means
of agricultural sustainability; without this diversity food
production stands in a precarious situation when facing
environmental changes. This case study from Ecuador shows
that the world market boom in quinoa may threaten the
maintenance of the crop’s traditional landrace diversity. As
farmers focus on a narrow selection of commercially successful
quinoa varieties, traditionally grown landraces retract.
Eva Smulders (Centre for the Promotion of Imports from
developing countries, Netherlands)
“Future scenarios for Andean quinoa”
The future for the quinoa sector is crucial for many people both
producers and consumers. Analyzing the market different
scenarios appear: For instance, the sustainability of the organic
produced quinoa may be questioned or strengthen, the price
level may be unaffected or collapse, the pressure on the
Altiplano will be less or worse. Future perspectives for impact
in both South America and Europe are outlined and examples
from Bolivia is given.
50 José Ramos Díaz (University of Helsinki )
“Andean and Finnish grains: latest trends in food
Amaranth (A. caudatus), quinoa (C. quinoa) and kañiwa (C.
pallidicaule) are grains cultivated in the Andes since PreHispanic times. They are formidable nutritious alternatives due
their high content of high-lysine protein, dietary fiber and
bioactive compounds. Despite this, the international research
conducted on their utilization for human consumption is
relatively poor. Conversely, lupine (L. angustifolius) is a wellknown legume used mostly for animal feed in Finland. Their
substantial content of protein and fiber make it an excellent
alternative for food development; lupine’s nutritional status is
comparable to soybean. Extrusion cooking was applied to the
transformation of these grains into edible corn-based snacks.
Investigation on mechanical and sensory properties as well as
loss of micronutrients was conducted. The results showed that
extruded corn-based snacks containing increasing amounts of
amaranth, quinoa and kañiwa can maintain key mechanical
properties such as sectional expansion and hardness; only 20%
lupine could be incorporated to corn-based extruded snacks
before structural collapse. Extruded snacks with higher content
of amaranth or quinoa were perceived crispier and crunchier as
well as less adhesive during mastication (TDS), while
extrudates containing kañiwa were perceived substantially less
rough. Extrusion-cooking increased the chemical extractability
of phenolic compounds and folate. This study proved that
quinoa, amaranth and kañiwa can be incorporated successfully
to extruded corn-based snacks, and maintain the added
nutritional value.
Coordinator: Markku Kanninen (University of Helsinki)
The role of forestry in the economic development of Latin
American countries is far from homogeneous. After a long
period of resources degradation, many countries have managed
to reduced forest loses while a few have managed to recover
some of the original forest cover. In recent decades, countries
have developed different strategies, from the promotion of
forest conservation to the industrialization of the forestry sector,
under a combination of national and international pressures
with often mixed results and unexpected consequences at the
national and international levels. The aims of this Panel
- To present and discuss cases where local, national and
international interests over forest resources collide or overlap,
their management, and conservation.
- To generate a multidisciplinary discussion about how the
forestry sector is incorporated into the national development
strategies in the region.
- To compare the different expectations about the management
of forestry resources, considering local, national, and
international agendas.
52 Malayna Raftopoulos (University of London)
“Facing reality: Addressing the urgent need for a full
Community-Based Human Rights Impact Assessment of
Since 2007, the ecosystem services (ES) of carbon storage in
forests has gained increasing worldwide attention due its
potential role in climate change mitigation. The idea of
reducing carbon emissions through avoided deforestation (RED)
was first proposed in 2005 at the 11th Conference of the Parties
(COP 11) in Montreal. It soon evolved to include avoided
forest degradation (REDD), and later, at COP 13 in Bali in
2007, the enhancement of carbon stocks, becoming REDD+.
Setting out to create a system that provides forest users with
economic incentives that reflect the value of the carbon
sequestered and stored in trees, the emergence of the REDD+
mechanism within the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change has raised concerns over the social impact
of its carbon sequestration activities on forest peoples. In
particular, concerns have been raised over the potential loss of
forest people territories to large scale commercial forest
operations and the restriction of access and use of natural
resources by these communities. This paper argues that
concerns over the social impacts of REDD+ should be
addressed by carrying out a community-based human rights
impact assessment (HRIA). The paper first discusses why it is
necessary to carry out a HRIA of REDD+, examining the
driving forces behind the market mechanism as well as
concerns raised regarding the potential impact of REDD+ on
forest communities before moving on to contemplate the
contributions HRIA can make to promoting and protecting the
human rights of forest-based communities.
53 Wojciech Doroszewicz (University of Warsaw)
“Private conservation initiatives in Latin American Forests”
In recent years, a social initiative and emerging of private
protected areas is a new phenomenon in conservation of natural
habitats, especially in the countries with a large proportion of
land lying in the private hands or belonging to local
communities and indigenous people. Similarly, in Latin
America a private conservation begins to play an increasingly
important role in protecting of endangered forest ecosystems.
In the last years in Chile appeared a lot of new reserves
protecting temperate rainforest created not only by NGOs or
philanthropists but also by small landowners, and local
communities, or even timber companies. Former timber
producers and neighboring small villages changed absolutely
and become the remarkable conservation areas with leading
sustainable tourist centers like Reserva Biológica Huilo-Huilo.
Protection and conservation of forests is also related to the
future of indigenous or local communities which despite
poverty, are remained in the possession of large areas of forests
of high biological and economic value. One of the most
interesting initiatives are developed by indigenous peoples
such Reserva Ecológica Chaparrí in Northern Peru or
Community Parks Network “Mapu Lahual” in Chile.
In this paper I would like to present and compare the variety of
conservation ideas of these reserves. And also consider what
role such initiatives start to play in the preservation of
endangered forest ecosystems and improvement of situation of
local inhabitants, possibly changing the local histories of
struggle over resources.
Coordinators: Pirjo Virtanen (University of Helsinki) & Minna
Opas (University of Turku)
In many Latin American countries, the so called “frontier
expansion” has left the Amazonian region under severe
oppression. Increased deforestation due to often extractive
activities, large scale farming, development of transportation
systems, demographic changes transnational, colonialism as
well as transnational and national politics in general, have in a
relatively short period of time lead to extensive environmental
changes. The length and nature of rainy and dry seasons are
becoming less predictable, rainforest ecosystems change,
wildlife – especially game animals –become scarce, and
pollution sickens people and makes areas inhabitable. This
panel addresses Amazonian indigenous peoples’ responses to
these changes in their environment. We welcome contributions
examining the responses from a variety of viewpoints such as
culture, society, politics, and economics. Possible topics
include, but are not restricted to, new indigenous
environmental practices, changes in subsistence and
economical activities, re-territorialization and migration,
transcultural negotiations, political organization, social restructuring, and religious and socio-cosmological responses to
the transformation of the environment.
55 Dan Rosengren (University of Gothenburg)
“Modernity, local understandings of
environmental relations in Amazonia”
Climate change has during the last decades become an
increasingly urgent issue that largely is driven by scientific
experts. Even though it is argued within academic circles that
modern science is only part of an ontology that cannot claim
any favored position in relation to other ontologies, many who
consider themselves to be modern conceive of science as a
symbol of advancement and sophistication that only modern
society can bring forth while other perspectives are seen as
irrational and false. This is the case among migrants from the
Andean highlands to the tropical Upper Urubamba where the
indigenous Matsigenka live.
Analyzing prevailing climate conditions local authorities
conclude that the principal factor generating climatologically
detrimental effects locally is the “irrational swidden agriculture”
practiced on slopes. Significantly the kind of agricultural
practice identified as harmful largely characterizes Matsigenka
subsistence horticulture. Fuelled by the employment of words
such as “harmful” and “irrational” a plan has been elaborated
to mitigate the effects of the changing climate. The belief in
modernity makes however the authorities fail to see that
Matsigenka people have cultivated the slopes in the assumedly
irrational manner for hundreds of years without negative
effects to the environment while the migrants’ cultivation
practices have resulted in the deforestation of large tracts
within only a few decades.
56 Nicolás Acosta García (University of Oulu)
“What you will: exploring contested rights to use Utría
National Park in Colombia as a Wicked Problem”
Utría National Park, on the north-eastern Pacific coast of
Colombia, is a biodiversity hotspot of extraordinary natural
beauty in an extremely remote area. It is managed by the
Environment Ministry of Colombia, encompasses the legally
recognised ancestral territories of the Embera indigenous
communities, who migrated south from Panama, and borders
those of the Afro-descendant communities of El Valle, who
previously lived also within the area of the park. In this paper
we explore ongoing contestation over rights to use and access
the benefits deriving from ecosystem services provided by the
park as a Wicked Problem. Building on Aristotle’s concept of
entelechia (inherent purpose) we use Faber et al.’s concept of
the three tele of living nature, – (1) self-maintenance,
development and self-realization; (2) replication and renewal
and (3) service [to other parts of the ecosystem] – we propose
that deficiency with respect to the third tele, service, is
symptomatic of late-industrial societies and so also of Wicked
Problems, as defined by Rittel and Webber, i.e. problems that
cannot be resolved by more industrialisation. Based on
empirical data collected in the field, we review how the three
actor groups listed above use and would like to use the park
and assign each use to one or more of the three tele
categories. We find service uses are underrepresented and selfmaintenance uses predominant and propose that the Wicked
Problem of ongoing contestation over using Utría might be
reduced by increasing service oriented uses.
57 Francis Ferrié (Centre EREA-France, CAS-St Andrews)
“Land extraction versus protection by reemerged
indigenous Leco in a new natural park”
On the Bolivian Piedmont as elsewhere, the environmental
protection issues are politicized. But in the province of Apolo
the political conflict goes with an ethnic split. While the
Quechua farmers defend a model of economic development
based on the extraction of raw materials and the construction of
a road crossing the natural reserve Madidi, the indigenous Leco
advocate a model of sustainable development and ecological
The international cooperation monitored the creation of the
Madidi National Park in 1995, and did support the
ethnogenesis of the Leco, who split from the Quechua farmer
group in 1997. Before this split, the Leco were considered
vanished, whereas now, they are one of the 36 ethnic groups or
naciones of the Plurinational State of Bolivia (Estado
Plurinacional de Bolivia) and possess their native territory
partially located in the park.
This communication reviews the recent history, outlining the
politico-ecological stakes and their actors (NGOs and
international cooperation, Bolivian government, farmer and
indigenous syndicate federations which support the local
groups). Land property, environmental protection and
indigenous affairs are connected, but to what extent? A
comparison with the TIPNIS National Park conflict which took
place in 2011 could help us to understand the opposition
between extractive and ecological policies.
58 Vanessa Boanada Fuchs (University of St. Gallen)
“The tangible side of the Belo Monte Dam: socioenvironmental impacts, perceptions of change and
strategies of survival”
The Belo Monte Dam has been impacting the lives of
indigenous and riverine peoples in the Brazilian Amazon. The
most affected area is the Volta Grande do Xingu – part of the
river from where water will be deviated to feed the reservoir.
Prior to the construction of the dam, the river was central to
most of the communities that used it for fishing, means of
transportation and communication with the neighboring
communities and the city. During the phase when the dam was
still a ‘plan’, an intangible idea, frontal opposition to its
construction seemed still an option; however, now the
advanced state of construction shows that the socioenvironmental impacts are very sizeable and need to be dealt
with. How do the inhabitants of Volta Grande perceive the
rapid changes to their environment? How do they react and
adapt to it?
The author proposes to explore the ways in which the
communities have been copying with the environmental
changes brought about by the dam and the strategies developed
to turn environmental impacts and social injustices into
opportunities of future. Two areas are of particular interest to
this study: the immediate socio-economic impacts and their
connection with the forms of participation and interaction in
society. The paper is informed by and aims to contribute to
studies of human-environment interactions (Moran, 2009) and
is based on fieldwork that has been following the life changes
of the Volta Grande communities in different phases of the
59 dam’s construction from the beginning in 2011 until the
Pirjo Kristiina Virtanen (University of Helsinki)
“Local experiences and interpretations of environmental
changes in Southwestern Amazonia”
Large-scale economic activities, such as logging, mining, and
development of transportation systems, have resulted in several
environmental changes in Southwestern Amazonia. In the
territories of the Apurinã (Pupỹkary) in Brazilian Amazonia,
these alterations have especially led to the scarcity of game and
fish, among others. The Apurinã number approximately 8,000
people living in various indigenous reserves. This Arawakspeaking group is increasingly worried about the exploitation
of natural resources, for local and national markets, in the areas
next to their demarcated territories. Besides, territorial
invasions in the form of overhunting and overfishing in their
rivers and forest, as well as extraction of Brazil nuts inside
their demarcated indigenous territories are common.
Southwestern Amazonia is also discovered rich in oil, and
therefore it has become a focus of petroleum companies. This
paper particularly looks at the Apurinã’s socio-cosmological
responses to the transformations in their natural environment. It
reveals anxiety, but also hope for the future.
Coordinators: Alberto Cimadamore (CROP/ISSC/UiB) &
Johanna Kivimäki (University of Jyväskylä)
Poverty eradication has been defined as “the greatest global
challenge facing the world today and an indispensable
requirement for sustainable development” (OWG proposal for
SDGs, 2014). Media shape the public understanding of social
issues, influencing also the social construction and
deconstruction of poverty and development. Therefore, it is
important to know how notions of poverty, and anti-poverty
policies and interventions are conveyed by different types of
media - from agenda-setting to social media - in Latin
American countries. The progressive turn in the region has
influenced the media, contributing to more multifaceted and
inclusive representations of poverty and the poor. In the new
media, the poor themselves can actively participate in the
production and dissemination of contents. This is happening in
a context where traditional and media corporations are still
dominant actors in the regional battle of meanings and politics.
Power and influence are struggled over by contending sectors
trying to bring their ideologies and interests forward. We call
for papers from different disciplines and theoreticmethodological backgrounds aiming to analyze the connections
between media, poverty, and development in Latin America,
for instance, through the following questions: What are the
connections between knowledge, power and ideologies in the
representations of poverty? How the media texts on poverty,
inequality and development reflect, and potentially affect, the
prevailing social power relations and/or social understanding of
61 these phenomena? What consequences the representations may
have to the poor themselves and to progressive social policies?
How mainstream representations are challenged? How can
media promote social change?
Johanna Kivimäki (University of Jyväskylä)
“Examining the basis for discrimination and social
exclusion in the media representation of urban poverty in
The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the results of my
master’s thesis from 2012, which studied the representation of
urban poverty in Venezuelan media. My thesis explored how
one specific poor urban neighbourhood, the barrio “El 70” in
Caracas is represented in newspapers. The inhabitants of “El 70”
considered that the media representation of their community is
distorted towards violence and insecurity. The negative
representation was thought to add to the historically negative
reputation of the barrio, causing further discriminatory
practices against the inhabitants. This led me to consider
whether the discrimination and social exclusion experienced by
the urban poor is maintained or reproduced in media
representations and how the discriminatory representations
could be deconstructed. According to my thesis, “El 70” is
represented mostly through negative and stereotypical
discourses, defined by insecurity, social exclusion and deficient
living conditions. However, a strong positive discourse was
also found related to the empowerment of the urban poor. In
this paper, my intention is to reevaluate the results of my thesis
from the perspective of intersectionality theory. I will suggest
that in addition to the place of residence and the condition of
62 poverty, the media representations discriminate the poor urban
dwellers based on various socially constructed categories of
differentiation, such as gender, class, age and ethnicity. This is
to examine how the intersectionality theory would suit to
further research on the media representation of poverty in
Alberto D. Cimadamore (CROP/ISSC/UiB)
“Media representations of poverty in Latin America”
The paper will explore ideologies and interests expressed in the
notions of poverty transmitted by Agenda-setting media in
order to understand the theoretical and practical (i.e., policy)
implications of the framing of poverty.
This presentation is part of a larger research project (PoLAMeUiB/NFR, 2013-16) that involves four Latin American
countries and will focus on relevant Argentinean newspapers
with «agenda setting» capabilities. It will try to show how
notions of poverty are conveyed, how ideas are presented in the
news and what the consequences for the understanding of
poverty production and eradication are. The aim is to describe
how poverty is presented to the public and, more precisely, if
this notion tends to “naturalize” poverty (thus limiting the
possibility of its eradication) or to conceive it as a “social
construction” and the result of a process of “production or
reproduction” of poverty (Øyen, 2004, 2007; Alvarez
Leguizamon, 2005, 2008, 2010; Cimadamore, 2007, 2008).
Particularly, the presentation will critically analyse the
ideological and theoretical implications of the way the notions
are conveyed, trying to frame the analysis in the historical
context to infer the interests behind the news that creates «the
pictures in our heads» (Lippmann, 1922).
63 Resulting knowledge will have implications for policy and
social change allowing the identification of factors impeding
the social understanding of poverty and therefore, the effective
design, implementation, and long-term political support of antipoverty policies.
Lorena Pérez-García (Vrije Universiteit Brussel)
“Information and Communication Technology (ICT)-based
mass media and the indigenous communities in Mexico”
This paper aims to challenge the notions of socio-economic
development and its relation with ICT-based mass media.
To tackle this problem I will, first introduce as my theoretical
framework Nussbaum's conception of self-agency and human
flourishing in technological environments as developed in her
Human Capabilities Approach (2011). Secondly, I will
examine the direct effect self-agency could have on mass
media representation and whether this effect could enforce
human flourishing. Thirdly, I will briefly introduce the federal
ICT policies launched by the latest governments in Mexico and
scrutinise their effects in the society and in the indigenous
communities. Fourthly, I will use the example of three
indigenous communities in Mexico that have used mass media
supported by ICT to accomplish the diffusion of their agenda in
opposition to federal political agendas. These examples are the
neo-Zapatista hacktivism movement in Chiapas, the Huichol
online movement to Save Wirikuta in Nayarit, and the Talea
mobile network in Oaxaca. In these movements, their success
involved the appropriation of ICT by indigenous individuals,
the social aim of the projects, and the type of information
presented, rather than only the communication means by itself
or the proposed governmental practices. Therefore, fifthly, I
64 will approach the question of how mainstream agendas are
challenged by the use of ICT-supported mass media in
indigenous communities. Finally, I will provide my
conclusions on whether social change could be promoted by
the use of ICT-supported mass media in Mexico.
Ewa Sapiezynska (Warsaw School of Social Sciences and
“Discrimination will not be televised - a case study from
I present and analyze a case of censorship of a journalistic
reportage on discrimination by Canal 13, one of the biggest TV
channels in Chile, in 2012. The material showed how poor
women who work as house cleaners are systematically
discriminated in different instances of everyday life. After the
first part of the reportage was showed on TV, the second part
was stopped just hours before its emission. Through interviews
with key informants, including the author of the reportage,
other journalist who worked for the channel and the president
of the journalists´ association of Chile, I look for the
background and direct reasons of this censorship. The case
helps to shed light on Chilean business and religious power
networks. I argue that it is a case of strict social control by the
elite in order to cover up huge social disparities and protect its
65 Carolina Matos (City University London)
“Globalization, gender politics and the media”
Globalization, gender politics and the media is a work which is
concerned with women’s rights vis-à-vis the media’s
representation, reproduction and construction of gender roles.
This project is part of my third book, and aims to be a
continuation of some of the issues explored in my previous
work, Media and politics in Latin America: globalization,
democracy and identity, which looked at the relationship
between public service broadcasting and democratisation in
Brazil and Latin America in comparative perspective with the
UK in the post-dictatorship context and following the collapse
of military regimes throughout the region in the late 1980’s.
My work has been largely concerned with issues of
democratization, equality, media and development and the role
of PSB in European democracies and their potential to
contribute to political democracy in Latin America. In this
research I explore further the phenomena of the ‘feminization’
of politics and the growth of women leaders in Brazil and in
other Latin American countries, examining issues of gender
inequality within a comparative perspective with the US and
UK. Among my key worries is to assess some of the roots
around the construction of the myth of Brazilian femininity,
examining what has been done regarding gender equality in the
last years and detecting future challenges and roadblocks to
further progress. It has the intention of looking at the
correlation between gender inequality and income in society
with media representations of women, discussion of women’s
issues in the press, gender politics and online feminism.
66 Liina-Maija Quist (University of Helsinki) and Pia Rinne
(Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Mission)
“Nostalgic discourse and invisible actors in press
representations of the oil industry and fishers in Mexico”
This essay studies newsprint discourses about the oil industry
and fishers in Tabasco, Mexico. The study combines
discussions on media and marginalized groups and social
movement studies to analyze newspaper representations of
struggles between the oil industry and fishers. The examined
period covers ten years during which the Mexican government
has established large offshore areas for the exclusive use of the
oil industry, thereby displacing fishers from their former
fishing grounds in the Gulf of Mexico. The essay’s focus is on
the representation of arguments on resource access and
environmental harm in two Tabascan newspapers between
2003 and 2012. The newspaper material is complemented by
material acquired through ethnographic fieldwork and
interviews among fishers, the oil industry and the government
in 2011 and 2012. In the news analysis, we discovered that
most of the news in both papers were produced in collaboration
with few journalists and fishers. The articles represented
relatively similar and conservative argumentation over the
years, which focused on fishers’ claims to entitlement to
compensation from the oil industry. By examining this
dominant and a more marginal, rights-based argumentation,
our essay problematizes the different justifications of claims,
represented in the media, and analyzes their relevance in the
political struggles.
Coordinator: Ewa Sapiezynska (Warsaw School of Social
Sciences and Humanities)
The mass media are a key resource as far as public debate and
the construction of political will is concerned. The Latin
American media market is still strongly dominated by a few
powerful actors, limiting the access of various significant
social groups to the broad democratic dialogue. Some of the
owners established their position through close cooperation
with dictatorships during the 70s and the 80s and greatly
benefited from the privatizations of the 90s. However, we have
observed an intensified struggle over media access over the last
15 years in Latin America. Argentina, Uruguay, Ecuador,
Bolivia and Venezuela all got new media laws that limit
ownership concentration in the media sector, strengthen public
media and help to establish grassroots media outlets. Some of
these laws were praised internationally because of the extent of
civil society participation in their drafting and promulgation, as
in the Argentine case. In contrast others have been fiercely
criticized. All of them are object of ongoing battle between the
governments and the private corporations. At the same time
and independently of state regulations, Latin American social
and political movements have been using new media as a
weapon in their struggles. The panel welcomes analysis of
Latin American media landscape and its impact on power
68 Ewa Sapiezynska (Warsaw School of Social Sciences and
“Power struggles and power shares in the Latin American
media market”
First the paper offers a quick view over historic trends of Mass
media concentration at few private actors in the most Latin
American countries during the second half of 20th century and
these actors political and economic bonds. We continue with an
analysis of new media laws and regulations introduced in
Argentina, Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador in the last years
and their attempt to give a reserved spectrum to public and
communitarian media. We compare these regulations and
processes of their elaboration (more participatory in some
countries than others). We also inquire about the struggles
between the governments and the private media in those
countries. We close the panorama with the case of Chile with
its extremely concentrated media sector and see how this
country’s journalists´ association and social movements
struggle for public and communitarian media.
Virpi Salojärvi (University of Helsinki)
“Mediatized politics or politicized media – The role of
media in the political conflict of Venezuela during
President Chavez’s regime”
Politics can be understood as pursuing power through conflicts
in order to run a society. These power plays exist in many
levels and forms. According to Mouffe (2000) in politics there
is always a formation of us/them. The crucial task is to deal
with this issue, which always concerns discriminating one
69 group, in a pluralist democratic way. The confrontation should
generate collective forms of identification that are able to
mobilize political passions. If this doesn’t exist passions don’t
have a democratic arena. Therefore, it is possible that nonnegotiable moral values take over. (Mouffe 2005.) Also in
populist politics different ideas are attached to certain actors
and they become empty or floating signifiers to a group of
people (Laclau 2005).
During President Chavez’s regime there was a confrontation
between sympathizers of Chavez and the opposition in the
macro level and also the media was involved in it. The study
focuses on how different media actors construct the situation
underneath the macro level political conflict.
The data consists of 34 interviews conducted in 2011-2012.
The interviewees include state, private and community media,
academics, NGOs, and citizen activists. The interviews are
analyzed by argumentation analysis.
The interviewees conceive the situation in different levels. The
basis of action is in the values of different parties. Historical
events and life experiences of the interviewees affect to their
worldview. For some the media has become a signifier and
therefore is not able to play a neutral role.
Coordinators: Florencia Quesada (University of Helsinki),
Anja Nygren (University of Helsinki) & Mauricio Romero
(Pontificia Universidad Javeriana)
Commentator: Arturo Escobar (University of North Carolina)
Latin America is the most urbanized region in the developing
world, with around 80% of the population living in urban areas.
Hence, cities are emerging as key arenas to deal with crucial
challenges related to societal security. Violence, environmental
problems and social inequality were in previous decades issues
that were largely dealt with in national development agendas.
In recent years, the states have, however, been found poorlyprepared to face the new challenges linked to urban governance.
In this situation, city governments, organized civil society
groups and actors in informal networks are seeking new ways
to deal with problems of insecurity, shifting forms of service
provision and management of environmental risks in urban
spaces of multi-scale governance.
This panel seeks to explore the following issues:
- how the new agendas to manage security challenge the
existing structures of violence and networks of
- how social movements that demand institutional
accountability contest the legacies to confront
contestations with repression
- how the new forms of mitigating environmental risks
and vulnerabilities may lead to increased justice and
social well-being
71 These three dimensions of security are analyzed within the
context of neoliberal governance and societal security in Latin
American cities.
Luz Paula Parra (Stockholm University)
“Insecurity as another form of Inequality in Latin America”
Latin America remains the most unequal and most insecure
region in the world. The region has fifteen of the top most
violent cities in the planet. Over the past decade, it experiences
an increased crime rate, with more that 100,000 homicides per
year during this time. The deterioration of security has not been
a uniform phenomenon. In some countries, homicide rates are
the major problem, whereas in others crimes against property
and personal integrity have stridently grown. Meanwhile,
within these countries the situation varies greatly, with some
municipalities showing indicators comparable to very secure
nations, and others where lethal violence is even greater than in
countries at war.
Perception of insecurity and fear amongst citizens have
worsened in the past years, and large demands on security have
increased among different social sectors towards their
authorities. However, state representatives are unable or
unwilling to provide adequate security for their citizens, at least
to certain sectors and areas of their territory. This domestic
public security vacuum has been fulfilled by private actors who
are providing security where the state cannot or will not act.
This phenomenon gets more complicated because of the history
of impunity, corruption, lack of thrust in the judicial system
and the police public forces in most countries in Latin America.
In light of “these deficits, privatization of security has gained
72 momentum, which deepens inequality in access to security and
leaves unsolved the challenges the State faces as the main
guarantor of citizen security".
Roberto Domínguez (Suffolk University, Boston)
“Security Governance in South America”
This paper is based on the assumption that there is a gap
between the demand for collective mechanisms of security
governance and the traditional inward-looking security agenda
of South American countries. While this gap is explained by
historical reasons and to some extent inhibits further
cooperation, the region has moved forward in the development
of regional security governance mechanisms. The outcome has
been a variety of forms of security governance influenced by
three main elements: a) the sources of threat and the capacity
of the state to manage them, b) levels of inclusiveness of actors,
and c) the strength of the mechanisms of security governance.
Enzo Nussio (Stockholm University)
“Understanding Unlikely Successes in Urban Violence
The problems of violence in Latin America are often reiterated,
yet understanding how and why violence declines is far less
common. While urban violence takes different forms and has a
range of motivations, we suggest that strengthening political
and social institutions are important in violence reduction
processes. The article examines this using a comparative
analysis of two cities which have recently seen unusual and
marked reductions in lethal violence: Bogotá in Colombia and
Recife in Brazil. Drawing on primary data collection, the case
73 studies suggest improvements in public security are linked with
institutionalising progressive security policies, increasing
accountability of political institutions, and social reforms
encouraging civic values and commitments to non-violence.
While findings are specific to these two cases, they may
plausibly apply to a broader range of cities, such that
commitments to improve public policy and political institutions
can overcome structural risk factors that foster violence.
Asli Postaci (Stockholm University)
“Disentangling the Mass Protests in Brazil and Turkey: A
Trans-Continental Comparison”
Year 2013 was marked by mass demonstrations and protests
against government policies both in Brazil and Turkey. Despite
particular contrasting aspects, these two cases were comparable
in several levels. Both countries have a history of military
interventions but managed to set relatively stable representative
democracies in the post-Cold War period and are perceived as
models to their regions. Secondly, both countries are emerging
powers which have democratically elected governments that
have international ambitions; and pursuing neo-liberal policies
that create immense accumulation of capital for a small elite.
Thirdly, in both countries the allocation of public funds rise
criticism, namely the redevelopment plan for Istanbul and the
hosting of major sports events in Brazil. The protests of 2013
attracted utmost international attention, and raised academic
questions as to the extent of their links in the light of the
aforementioned similarities. The class, background and age
group and demands of the protesters were similar and both
protest movements were reactions to the degradation of
democracy to mere electoral process and a demand for wider
74 participation in decision-making. The differences of two cases
are based on their particular historical and social conditions
such as the ideological distinction of the governments, the
triggering events of the protests and the government response
to the events. This paper intends to disentangle the motives and
conditions of the two incidents in order to contribute to a better
understanding of protest movements globally.
Víctor Manuel Jimenez Verduzco (Universidad Michoacana de
San Nicolás de Hidalgo)
“Gestión cultural en tiempos violentos”
Michoacán es uno de los estados más afectados por las
condiciones de violencia, inseguridad, delincuencia, corrupción
y desigualdad en México. A pesar de contar con una ubicación
geográfica envidiable y vastos recursos naturales, esto no se ha
podido ser transformado en bienestar para los habitantes del
estado. La reciente aparición de grupos de autodefensa (civiles
fuertemente armados) en la región de tierra caliente, no es más
que el resultado de un largo y complejo proceso de
descomposición del tejido social, donde el narcotráfico/crimen
organizado y la corrupción de las instituciones son algunos de
los factores más visibles. En un escenario como este ¿Hay
lugar para una vida y desarrollo Cultural? ¿Cuáles son las
condiciones de los motores de cultura local? ¿Cómo se ve
afectada la red de relaciones/exhibición/consumo/producción
de arte? ¿Es posible pensar en una participación cultural
contemporánea, en propuestas artísticas de vanguardia, en estas
condiciones? La presente ponencia hace un recuento del estado
en que se encuentra la cultura local y sus participantes en un
contexto tan desfavorable, con la intención de obtener una de
75 las instantáneas posibles de la realidad local como reflejo de
una realidad latinoamericana.
Monica Lemos (University of Helsinki)
“Educational management beyond school walls:
possibility of school and community transformation”
This paper aims at discussing how a chain of activities
developed in a school located in a favela in the city of São
Paulo and its community to deal with a flood issue. As
theoretical background we discuss the concept of collaborative
agency, based on the discussion by Engeström, Sannino &
Virkkunen (2014) focusing on transformative agency and on
van Oers and Hännikäinen (2010) on togetherness as a
powerful concept to break the boundaries of the relation
between oppressor and oppressed, which is based on Freire
(1970). Methodologically we follow the transformative
intervention research, based on the critical collaborative
research (Magalhães, 2011) which implies different subjects
taking part and negotiating decisions to be made during the
research moving beyond school setting. The analysis is based
on categories of argumentation, such as controversy and
agreement (Liberali, 2013) and on multimodal analysis (Kress
et al., 2010), which contributes to the scrutiny of different
voices and activities in the relation school and community. As
a result we discuss how collaborative agency contributes to the
transformation of the given context. Mainly how the
community gets involved in the school activities and how
school gets involved in the community activities in order to
overcome the flood issue.
76 Anja Nygren (University of Helsinki)
“Socially Differentiated Urban Flood Governance in
Cities around the world are developing new ways of governing
risks and vulnerabilities. In the new flood-governance
measures, technological risk-prevention is linked to
programmes of social resilience and cultural adaptation. By
focusing on the governance of catastrophic floods in the city of
Villahermosa, Mexico, this paper argues that new floodgovernance strategies rely on hybrid forms of neoliberal
governance, in which flood governance is turned into a matter
of adaptation and self-responsibilisation, while scant attention
is paid to the socio-spatial distribution of vulnerabilities. Based
on ethnographic fieldwork in socially differentiated
neighbourhoods of Villahermosa in 2011–2014, this study
demonstrates how flood-governance strategies and the
residents’ responses to them vary across the city and how the
production of flood risk is connected to the uneven production
of the urban space. The institutional acts of governing aim to
render certain groups of population governable, whilst being
unable to eradicate dispersed contestation efforts.
Coordinator: Benedicte Bull (University of Oslo)
Criminal behavior is in most literature treated as an anomaly
and a threat to the existing social order understood as
relationships between groups and classes embedded in
institutions that support specific forms of human organization
and activity. Such social orders also impact strongly on the
relationship to natural resources and how they are exploited.
However, in some societies, crime and the organizations that
perpetuate it have become an important element in that social
order. This is the case in various areas in northern Latin
America, including in Colombia, Honduras, El Salvador,
Guatemala and Mexico.
The ways criminal organizations sustain the social order are
many, and there are economic as well as political mechanisms:
proceeds from drug-trafficking and other high-profit criminal
activities sustain local markets for consumer goods and real
estate; money from these activities fuel the local financial
markets; criminal organizations provide capital for natural
resource exploitation; reinvested money from criminal
activities provide employment in peripheral areas; criminal
organizations provide “protection rackets” for legal economic
actors; money from criminal activity finance political
campaigns; criminal organizations are used to oppress
opponents to the existing social order, etc. etc. The role of
criminal organizations in sustaining an existing social order
varies across geographical spaces, also within countries, and is
often stronger in the periphery of the reach of the central state
78 and high profit legal activities. Understanding how to combat
such criminal organizations has to be embedded in an
understanding of how they relate to other social actors,
including economic and political elites and “subalterns”. It also
has to be based on an understanding on how international
markets and actors open or close spaces for such criminal
In this panel, we will present novel research on the role of
criminal organizations – including drug-cartels, mafias, and
paramilitary groups – in sustaining social orders in specific
localities, through their relationship to other social actors. It
will also focus on how such social orders are transformed
through the changing income sources, structures and strategies
of the criminal organizations over time.
Carlos Illades (El Colegio de Mexico) y Teresa Santiago
(UAM, México)
“La guerra interna en México (2006-¿?)”
La guerra interna iniciada por el gobierno federal en 2006
equivocó el diagnóstico y la estrategia, subestimando los
posibles daños a la población. Sin haber identificado
claramente al enemigo y menos calcular los daños a la
población (masacres, desplazados, desapariciones forzadas,
violación de los derechos humanos), otro efecto imprevisto de
aquélla ha sido la constitución de autodefensas armadas. Si
bien éstas hunden sus raíces en las insurrecciones campesinas
del siglo XIX, su rápida expansión en el último trienio se debe
a la violencia desbordada y la incapacidad del Estado para
cumplir con la función básica de proteger a sus ciudadanos.
79 Esta comunicación comienza con la conceptualización de ésta
dentro del marco de la teoría general de la guerra, analizando
sus particularidades pero también los rasgos comunes de todo
conflicto armado. Se ocupa después de reconstruir el proceso
que vincula la guerra sucia con la guerra contra el crimen
organizado, destacando los elementos de continuidad en las
respuestas estatales hacia los desafíos armados y la incapacidad
casi orgánica de los aparatos de seguridad para ceñirse al
empleo de la fuerza legítima. Este aspecto se aborda en el
tercer apartado que trata de las víctimas directas e indirectas de
la guerra, entre ellas desaparecidos, desplazados y “daños
colaterales” al grado que es ya de un apreciable problema
humanitario. Por último, se habla de los nuevos actores
convocados por la violencia armada, las autodefensas
comunitarias o ciudadanas, integradas con el propósito de
llenar el vacío estatal en este ámbito.
Markus-Michael Müller (Freie Universität Berlin)
“Criminal Sovereignties and the Politics of Informal
Order-Making in Mexico City”
During the last decade Mexico witnessed a hitherto
unparalleled explosion of criminal violence related to the
escalation of the “war on drugs” that led to more than 80,000
drug-related killings since 2006. When compared to many
other “battlegrounds” of the local drug war, Mexico City,
despite the fact that it is the country’s biggest internal drug
market, seems to be a relatively peaceful and safe place, where
drug-related violence has not (yet) escalated to levels observed
elsewhere in the country. This paper suggests that this outcome
can be explained by taking a closer look at the way informal
politics and patron-client relations shape the (re)production of
80 urban order in the city. In drawing upon the results of empirical
fieldwork in the city’s main drug trafficking “hot spots,” Tepito
and Iztapalapa, this paper assesses the role of informal politics
in establishing networks that link drug-traffickers, bureaucrats
and politicians. It is through these networks, the paper argues,
that local political and bureaucratic actors have been able to
contain and regulate drug-related violence, while at the same
time allowing for the reproduction of drug trafficking and the
emergence “criminal sovereignties” in marginalized urban
Benedicte Bull and Mariel Aguilar-Støen (University of Oslo)
“Anti-mining movements in Guatemala: the elites’
influence on the outcome of conflicts and the response from
the government”
Based on on-going research, the aim of this paper is to analyse
and explore the links between different elites in the country,
(including economic, political, media, the military) and the
government vis a vis social movements to shed light on the
increasingly violent response to protests against extractive
industries in Guatemala. In this way we would be able to
discuss how certain claims and notions are excluded from the
way in which the government responds to extractive conflicts.
We first look at the claims and tactics of social movements to
then focus on the strategy of the elites and the government. The
claims of the movement are demands to the state for
recognition and representation as political actors, participation
in environmental governance and memory of the civil war. Our
findings suggest the existence of a concerted strategy from the
elites and the government. This strategy includes discursive
alliances to deploy a narrative that builds heavily on an anti81 communism ideology that was prevalent during the civil war.
The narrative justifies and legitimizes the increasing use of
violence and repression, as well as other counter-insurgency
tactics to confront popular demands of participation. Further
the strategy also includes the manipulation of royalties from
mining activities in an effort to pacify, silence and divide social
movements against the extractive industries.
Cecilia Gosso (Università degli Studi di Torino)
“Las violencias y el Estado en El Salvador: desde la
violencia política hacia la violencia multifactorial”
El Salvador luego de una guerra civil de 12 años (1980-1992),
terminada con acuerdos de Paz entre las partes, emprendió la
difícil fase de construcción de un régimen democrático con
cambios institucionales. A partir de 1995 emergió otra faceta
de la violencia presentándose como emergencia ineludible en
las agendas políticas y del Estado. ¿Cuáles y como las políticas
públicas del Estado en materia de seguridad pública, justicia y
de derechos humanos han influido en enfrentar las violencias?
Con el aporte de 90 entrevistas semiestructuradas en
profundidad a los actores de la guerra civil y a los actores
institucionales actuales, se analiza la continuidad y la
discontinuidad entre la violencia política del periodo de la
guerra civil y la violencia multifactorial en la sociedad
salvadoreña contemporánea. Los factores que llevaron al
conflicto armado se han metamorfoseado manteniendo raíces
histórica de exclusión social que afectan profundamente la
libertades políticas y la construcción de un estado de derecho.
El Estado y sus instituciones aparecen como reproductores de
violencia, mantienen rasgos autoritarios y populistas
registrando déficit creciente de democracia, sin atender a las
82 garantías debida al ciudadano. Los resultados contribuyen a
desvelar algunos elementos de cómo la construcción del Estado
ha sido y sigue siendo un indicador para observar el
mantenimiento de continuidad de poderes externos y
antagónicos generando clúster de soberanía y de producción de
violencia de actores estatales y no estatales.
Oscar Sánchez Terrones (Benemérita Universidad Autónoma
de Puebla, México)
“La violencia en el Estado mexicano: Narcotráfico, cultura,
seguridad social y represión”
El año 2006, es una fecha inolvidable para los ciudadanos
mexicanos. Derivado de la implementación de las políticas
públicas de seguridad por el entonces Presidente de México
Felipe Calderón Hinojosa se dispersó de manera considerable
la violencia. Para el 2008 el Estado Mexicano se había
embarcado en una guerra sin cuartel contra las organizaciones
criminales. México atrajo la atención de la comunidad
internacional debido a la creciente ola de asesinatos brutales,
los desaparecidos, los secuestrados y las balaceras a plena luz
del día. El pánico la incertidumbre y la inseguridad se
apoderaron de los mexicanos. Al terminar el sexenio, el saldo
oficial fue de 121, 613 personas fallecidas por homicidio,
12,990 desaparecidos, 160, 000 desplazados.
Los mexicanos poco a poco empezamos a vivir en un mundo
lleno de violencia sumergido en la ingobernabilidad, de manera
paulatina empezamos a buscar dentro de las notas periodísticas
una señal de cambio. Sin embargo sin darnos cuenta
comenzamos a almacenar y a cambiar la precaria cultura que
poseíamos en cuanto a novelas, poesía, ciencia jurídica,
medicina, teorías políticas, económicas, etc., por amplias
83 compilaciones de artículos que tratan asuntos de las drogas
narcotraficantes y su conexión con el golpismo militar que las
Jacobo Ramírez (Copenhagen Business School)
“Hybrid organizations and ambidexterity as strategic
responses to conflicting institutional conflict logics in
security risk environments”
This paper presents two studies that analyze how
organizational members respond to conflicting institutional
logics in security risk environments. We analyze the direct and
indirect impacts of security risk on firms in an environment
characterized by narcoterrorism. First, we conducted a content
analysis of 204 news reports on the impacts of narcoterrorism
on organizations operating in Mexico. Then, we conducted 35
interviews with employees at three organizational levels in
eight Colombian and Mexican firms. Our results suggest that in
Colombian and Mexican firms, developing line managers’
ambidexterity capability is a key strategic response to
competing logics in environments characterized by
narcoterrorism. Our data do not provide evidence that
developing a hybrid organization is a strategic response to
conflicting logics in security risk environments. Our research
aims to contribute to the role of managers and employees as
key actors in filling institutional voids in security risk
& María Fernanda Valdés
In the last decade Latin America was able to take advantage of
the unprecedented increase of global commodity prices,
increasing their revenues due to the export of minerals, energy
resources or agricultural products. These positive dynamics in
public finance led to major efforts of redistribution via
transfers. Overall, such transfers had a positive effect on the
reduction of socio-economic inequality in Latin America.
However, inequality levels are still very high in most Latin
American countries; in particular, in the areas of tax policy and
fiscal federalism inequality-reducing policies were less evident.
This panel will weave together research on two fundamental
themes, which together explore the connection among fiscal
policy, revenues of natural resources and inequality:
• The limits of re-distribution, especially via the tax channel.
One aim is to explore the forms how the unprecedented
resources have determined the configuration of tax systems in
the region, perpetuating systems that are at odds with
redistribution. In particular, it aims to discuss the discursive
and policy resistance to pro-distributive tax reforms in order to
understand the historical inability to tax the elite and the
reproduction of socio-economic inequality across the region.
• Increased commodity revenues as cause of new dynamics of
state reconfiguration and conflicts about the distribution and
use of these revenues within nations and among various
subnational units. In particular, it aims to discuss how
85 governments at different levels react to the challenges posed by
these new revenues, indicating different dynamics in fiscal
federalism with important implications for territorial disparities.
Constantin Groll ( / Freie Universität Berlin)
“The external dimension of fiscal subnational autonomy:
insights from the Mexican case”
This paper explores the influence of external factors on
subnational fiscal autonomy, operationalized as the ability of
subnational governments to collect and spend revenue
independent of the influence of other jurisdictions, in federal
states. In contrast to much of the research, it argues that the
change of subnational fiscal autonomy is not only conditioned
by domestic factors, but the result of the interaction between
external factors and domestic institutional configurations over
time. Using panel data analysis the paper explores the
relationship between external factors - such as crisis, export
activity, natural resource exploitation, foreign direct investment,
and external debt, and subnational fiscal autonomy – for the
Mexican case in the last two decades. Based on the empirical
results the paper identifies the domestic institutional “filters”
that mold the effect of external factors and proposes some
general assumption about the dynamics of fragmentation vs.
equalization between subnational units in the federal state in
the light of changing external economic dynamics.
86 Maria Valdés (
“Taxation for inclusive development in Latin America
during the commodity boom and beyond”
This paper will depict the way in which Latin American
countries have been using the tax system to achieve inclusivedevelopment in the last two decades and the role of commodity
prices in this process. In particular, after analyzing the case
study of Argentina, Chile and Colombia with a mixed
methodology consisting of a quantitative study, which uses
structural tax revenues (tax revenues adjusted by the cycle and
by the prices of commodities) as a proxies for tax reforms,
complemented by a qualitative analysis of tax reforms based on
a revision of tax legislation and other qualitative studies, this
paper will argue that the unprecedented commodity boom
experienced in the region since 2003, particularly in the south,
although brought enormous revenues to be invested, boosting
growth and reducing inequality; has also weakened the
possibility of creating a more progressive and
developmentally-friendly tax system. Therefore, the
unprecedented resources have determined the configuration of
tax systems in the region, perpetuating systems that are at odds
with inclusive development. This paper will conclude with a
reflection on the enormous opportunities which lay ahead as
the commodity boom appears to have reached its peak, and
countries in the region, particularly these highly dependent on
commodities, will feel the necessity to use the tax tool again.
87 Marco Just Quiles (Freie Universitat, Berlin)
“Revenue Bonanza and Territorial Inequalities: Lessons
from Bolivia”
Based on an unprecedented increase of state revenues deriving
from commodity exports, Bolivia is experiencing a promising
momentum of poverty and inequality reduction. Redistribution
efforts through ambitious infrastructure programs and direct as
well as indirect cash transfer schemes have brought
improvements in terms of human development, but fostered
above all the popular support for the three times elected
president Evo Morales. While recognizing valuable public
investment dynamics, this paper presents recently compiled
empirical results that indicate a far more sobering perspective
on the redistributive achievements in the last two terms of the
current government (2005-2014). Although overall public
spending increased notably, the provision of public services
remains highly concentrated in some regions and localities of
the country while leaving others completely unaltered. The
unbalanced territorial reach of public policy measures not only
diminishes the redistributive potential arising from the revenue
bonanza, but comprises the risk to reproduce existing and new
territorial inequalities. Via a subnational approach this paper
explores the determinants affecting territorial disparities in the
four major public policy areas (education, health, infrastructure
and social protection), commonly understudied in conventional
analysis from a national perspective. In addition to the applied
descriptive statistical tools, this paper draws on a unique set
of interviews with political actors and experts, recently
conducted within a three month research stay in 2015.
Coordinator: Pekka Virtanen (University of Jyväskylä)
As academic and policy debate over inequalities booms
worldwide, Latin America continues to occupy a leading
position on global ranks on economic and social disparities.
There has been some expectation that these highly stratified
societies would start to change after a decade of left-inclined
governments in different countries. Indeed, several regional
and multilateral institutions and researchers have been pointing
to a slow but still declining tendency on income disparities,
suggesting that most of Latin American countries are finally
becoming less unequal and have taken a different route when
compared to developed nations in the past decade.
The picture gets much more blurred when structural issues
such as the distribution of wealth, control over resources and
economic elites are directly addressed. For instance, some
recent research on Brazilian income disparities have claimed
that income inequalities are not falling if the data on the
income of the top 1% is correctly computed. This body of
research suggests that inequality and exclusion continues to be
a constitutive part of Latin American social, economic and
political recent dynamics. And that public policies that aim at
reducing inequality levels must address more structural issues.
This panel addresses both the specific theme of inequality in
the control and distribution of resources and broader
discussions on inequalities – of income, wealth, ethnicity,
gender, education, health etc. The panel seeks to explore and
debate these themes from a multi-disciplinary perspective and
welcomes papers from all social sciences.
89 Jairo Baquero Melo (Universidad del Rosario, Colombia)
“Global value chains and social inequalities: the case of
plantain in Colombia”
Global value chains (GVCs) play a crucial role in globalization,
determining trends in labor relations and profits distribution
among peasants, workers and companies (Barret et al., 2012:
715). Governments defend GVCs for breeding development
through employment and incomes opportunities (USAID,
2009). But opposite views take GVCs as producers of risks for
workers and farmers (Little and Watts, 1994; Said and
Tallontire, 2014). More analysis is demanded on the relation
between GVCs and social inequalities. Previous studies
analyzed horizontal and vertical inequalities associated to
GVCs (Kaplinsky, 2004; Leslie and Reimer, 1999; Kaplinsky,
2004; Bolwig et al., 2010; Slocum and Saldanha, 2013). A
crucial but little studied GVC has been the plantain, specially
for Colombia. Plantain is the staple food of millions of people
worldwide (FAO, 2009). Production reached more than 35
million tons in 2012; Colombia is the fourth global producer,
and the third exporter after Peru and Nicaragua (FAO-STAT,
2014). This chain is characterized by an unequal distribution of
benefits among the small-scale farmers, intermediaries, and
multinational corporations (USAID, 2009). The environmental
risks and the impacts of free trade are also unequally
distributed (Baquero, 2014), with ineffective governance
structures (Gereffi et al., 2005). Main paper’s aim is to analyze
the inequalities associated to the plantain value chain in
Colombia. Proposed methodology includes qualitative and
quantitative methods, focused on the main production areas
(Urabá and Eje Cafetero) for the period 1990-2014.
90 Diego Andrés Guevara Fletcher (Universidad La Gran
“Incidencia de las TIC en Colombia: ¿Inequidad en el
recurso o medidas mitigadoras de la pobreza?”
En Colombia, la pobreza vía ingresos ha venido disminuyendo
en los últimos años. Sin embargo, en las zonas rurales, sigue
siendo aún alta: Datos del año 2014 la ubican en un 41.4% de
esta población. Bajo este escenario, las Tecnologías de la
Información y las Comunicaciones –TIC- constituyen un
elemento importante para la reducción de la pobreza y
vulnerabilidad económica y social de las personas.
El presente estudio, busca profundizar en los temas de las
barreras para acceso a las TIC en zonas con altos niveles de
pobreza y Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas, la exclusión
social y marginalidad étnica entre otras características
particularmente, en los municipios de Cértegui, Atrato y Unión
Panamericana en el departamento del Chocó; El Charco en el
departamento de Nariño; Inírida en el departamento de Guainía,
los municipios de Fonseca y Distracción en el Departamento de
la Guajira. La relación de la pobreza y las TIC, obligan a su
vez, a la configuración de nuevas categorías conceptuales
asociadas tales como la marginalidad digital, brecha digital y
pobreza digital.Las principales conclusiones arrojan que,
durante los últimos años ha sido evidente y notoria la
penetración de las TIC a lo ancho y largo del territorio nacional,
especialmente en servicios tales como Internet, Televisión y
telefonía celular. Sin embargo, debido especialmente, a
situaciones geográficas, y a sus niveles absolutos de pobreza,
muestra deficiencias en calidad y acceso uso.
Así mismo, un mayor número de personas conectadas y una
mejor conexión a Internet no conllevan a disminuir la pobreza
91 Dora Elia Ramos Muñoz (El Colegio de la Frontera Sur,
“Inequidad e Industria energética en Tabasco, Mexico”
Internacionalmente hay evidencias que las regiones con alta
producción petrolera generan dos condiciones negativas de
participación económica en las mujeres: ellas no siempre
pueden insertarse en los empleos generados por empresas
petroleras y otras oportunidades en trabajos para la exportación
o manufacturas baratas se reducen debido a la “enfermedad
holandesa”. Tabasco es el estado con el segundo PIB de
México, el 71% resulta de la extracción petrolera y la
manufactura, las mujeres tienen una baja participación
económica 24% (34% en México) y está decreciendo, mientras
se duplican los hogares encabezados por mujeres solas y los
niveles educativos de las mujeres se igualan con los hombres.
La distribución de la renta es un elemento central de la justicia
social, pero cómo impulsar que un sector socialmente
vulnerable se inserte en el sector productivo de altas rentas.
Examinamos 10 casos de mujeres jefas de familia en sus
procesos de inserción y deserción de la industria energética.
Los datos preliminares muestran las dificultades por 1) poca
transparencia para acceso a información de empleos
disponibles, 2) fallas en el sistema educativo, que se agudizan
en el caso femenino y 3) cultura de trabajo. En seis años, la
industria energética generará en México 135,000 empleos,
muchos en Tabasco, si el patrón de contratación no crea
condiciones de inserción laboral femenina, las condiciones de
pobreza se agudizarán y se reforzará la industria social del
reclamo, los robos y el comercio informal. Proponemos
trabajar con universidades locales para buscar mayor movilidad
92 Renata Campos Motta (Freie Universität Berlin)
“The ambivalent situation of the rural poor in Argentina
and Brazil”
This paper analyses the ambivalent relationship between social
movements of the agrarian poor and the "pink tide"
governments in Argentina and Brazil. It inquires into the
contradictions between social policies that reduce poverty
while agrarian policies generate new inequalities. Indeed, while
undoubtedly effective in reducing the level of poverty and
misery among the very poor, Argentina and Brazil did not
achieve as good results in regard to other dimensions of
inequality that affect the rural poor: access to public services
and policies that guarantee social, economic, cultural, and
environmental rights. At the same time, by improving the
living conditions of those who lack access to a minimum wage,
social security, and basic public services, the progressive
governments have hampered the mobilization efforts of social
movements. As their grass-roots bases were satisfied with the
social policies that have ameliorated their daily lives,
movement leaders were met with the hard task of targeting the
government to demand adequate policies to promote land
reform, guarantee land rights, and foster peasant farming and
agroecology. The state promotion of a chemical-intensive
agriculture acted as a mechanism of creating new inequalities
in the distribution of the health and environmental risks. Above
all, the criminalization of poverty and protest deny the very
bases of human rights. These contradictions are not seen as
such by the governments that hold a conception of
development restricted to economic growth and inclusion in the
labour and consumption market.
Coordinators: Benita Heiskanen (University
& Nadia Nava (University of Helsinki)
On December 17, 2014, President Raúl Castro and President
Barack Obama announced the resumption of diplomatic ties
between Cuba and United States. The purpose of the
“normalization” of the relations was, as Obama put it, “to
create more opportunities for the American and Cuban people,
and begin a new chapter among the nations of the Americas.”
The United States’ agenda, in particular, is to increase travel,
commerce, and the flow of information to and from Cuba.
This exploratory panel considers the various ramifications that
such an agenda may engender: Does it signify the end of the
Cold War in the Americas? Will it be appropriate to refer to
Cuba as a “Post- Communist” society? How will any bilateral
cooperation and economic changes impact “the American and
Cuban people” and societies? What are the hemispheric effects
of the changes? How is the “new chapter” regarded by the
international community and Cuban exiles? This panel probes
into the initial responses to the U.S.-Cuba policy shift in the
Americas. In particular, we will be interested in presentations
dealing with media representations, policy discourses, and the
voices of the “Cuban and American people.”
94 Benita Heiskanen (University of Turku)
“Todos somos Americanos: The Promise and Peril of the
U.S.-Cuba Policy Change”
On December 17, 2014, President Raúl Castro and President
Barack Obama announced that the two nations would begin to
normalize diplomatic relations for the first time since the
United States’ trade embargo was imposed on Cuba in 1961.
This process would re-establish an Embassy in Havana and
increase travel, commerce, and information flow to and from
Cuba. The official rationale behind the decision was “to create
more opportunities for the American and Cuban people, and
begin a new chapter among the nations of the Americas,” for,
as President Obama claimed in closing his statement: Todos
somos Americanos [“We are all Americans”]. The
announcement was met with simultaneous exhilaration and
skepticism by various parties in both nations. Proponents and
opponents of the policy were quick to establish their vocal
opinions on the issue.
This paper considers the initial responses to the U.S.-Cuba
policy change in both the United States and Cuba. Drawing on
media coverage in both U.S. and Cuban newspapers and social
media, it probes into the various reactions prompted by the
presidents’ announcement. In particular, the paper discusses
the ideological ramifications of the policy change, as
interpreted by the commentators involved. If, as Obama
claimed in his speech, the people of the United States and Cuba
were “all American,” what would such a shared identity signify
on a hemispheric scale? Rather than chucking Obama’s
proposition to mere rhetorical pomp, this paper takes seriously
the notion of “Americanness” as a hemispheric–rather than a
national–nomenclature, alongside the various implications that
95 such a premise entails. Ultimately, the paper teases out the
question, whether the notion of Todos somos Americanos
might, in a radical way, reconfigure our understanding of the
Ewelina Biczynska (University of Warsaw)
“Geographic differences in perception of Cuba and its
future in the eyes of Cuban emigrants”
Currently there are over 2 and a half millions of Cubans living
outside of their fatherland and are an important voice in the
discussion around Cuba and its future. Moreover, they might
be the only Cuban representatives, who can communicate their
opinions in an unrestricted way.
The resumption of diplomatic relations between the US and
Cuba and accompanying discussions in both countries and in
Europe have inspired us to analyze again the data collected in
2012-13 in the online survey among Cubans living in diaspora.
The project investigated in their vision of the Island and its
future, international relations and Cuban's own migration
trajectory. The study revealed interesting generational
differences among Cubans in diaspora; e.g.: the younger turned
out to be less critical towards the regime; they were also more
optimistic about possible changes. The older were more likely
to expect rather intervention than peaceful transformation.
This time we present the results analyzing the spatial factor;
focusing on the differences between Cubans living in US and
in Europe. In fact it turns out, that receiving country is a
significant determinant of Cuban's perception of international,
Cuban and individual matters.
The differences are apparent in the immigrants’ trajectory, as
well as in the perception of international relations and
96 Cuba's role – e.g. US residents are less likely to support the
idea of international and Latin-American economic integration.
In our paper/ presentation we come up with interpretation of
this and other results obtained in the study.
Larisa Pelle (Aalto University)
“Student exchange and media cooperation in Cuba:
existing links and future possibilities”
Contrary to popular belief, student exchange has existed in
Cuba for years. Study programs accept participants from all
continents and backgrounds, including students from the
United States. Cuba appeals to some American youngsters for
its availability of free and advanced degree programs. In recent
years it has also become possible for journalists to access Cuba
and report on current issues. Film workshops in Cuban TV and
Film School have for decades provided free and tolerating
environment where critical works on current affairs are
commonplace. Many journalists from abroad have gained
access to censorship-free working environment by joining film
This paper reflects on those issues from a journalistic point of
view. It is based on interviews that were conducted with three
US students obtaining a MD degree in the Latin American
School of Medicine (Havana) and on four selected films that
take a closer look at social issues prevalent in Cuba.
97 Nadia Nava (University of Helsinki)
“Past and transition: Ibero-American visions on the Cuban
As Barack Obama and Raúl Castro announced the longawaited bilateral approach in December 2014, speculations on
the eventual success of the U.S. - Cuba relations’
reestablishment and its hemispheric implications became a
mandatory topic for the Ibero-American media. This paper
aims at presenting contrasting visions on the U.S.-Cuban
rapprochement. By taking a look at selected newspapers, the
paper reflects on political uses of the so-called Cuban question
in the last months and interpretations on the direction of an
eventual political change in the island.
In the Latin American scenario, political arena divisions and
divides place the Cuban question in the middle of two axes.
One that stresses the legacy of the Cuban revolution (e.g.
Bolivia, Venezuela) and one that focuses more on transition
(e.g. Colombia). At the same time, the Spanish press has
carefully followed the approach posing questions on the role of
Spain’s transition model and the importance of the European
Union for the Cuban future.
What is discussed when discussing Cuba? What is missing
from the discussions? Is there an Ibero-American or Latin
American common ground on the Cuban question?
Coordinadores: Viktor Kheifetc and
(Universidad Estatal de San Petersburgo)
Los recursos políticos son uno de los elementos del potencial
total del cualquier estado soberano. Bajo una formación de la
contemporáneo aparece alguna redistribución del poder. Es
cierto de nivel mundial, así como de la regional. Por lo tanto,
estamos siendo testigos de los cambios estructurales y
funcionales dentro de las relaciones en el hemisferio occidental.
En cuanto a los recursos políticos están estrechamente
relacionadas con los fenómenos de la influencia política y la
igualdad política, con el fin de medir los recursos políticos
dentro de la región, es bastante útil para analizar los procesos
políticos modernos y relaciones internacionales en América
Latina en una serie de dimensiones : (1) los tipos de interacción
entre los Estados; (2) la dinámica interna dentro de unos ciertos
países; (3) las relaciones entre los recursos políticos y recursos
económicos; (4) la política de recursos regionales en el
contexto de la grave escasez de recursos; (5) consecuencias
políticas de la consolidación de actores extra-regionales en
América Latina.
El panel tiene como objeto discutir los asuntos relacionados
con los recursos políticos en América Latina contemporánea.
Estos recursos desempeñan papel significativo en la toma de
decisiones y la influencia sobre política de recursos llevada a
cabo por las naciones latinoamericanas. La instrumentalización
de los recursos políticos hacia política de recursos es discutida
sobre la base de varios casos regionales, entre estos el de
99 Colombia/Nicaragua y el de las comunidades Afro-Latinas.
Además, se analiza el papel desempeñado por las estructuras
inter-americanas y inter-latinoamericanas, así como por las
potencias extra-hemisféricas.
Viktor Kheifetc and Lazar Kheifetc (Universidad Estatal de
San Petersburgo)
“Las potencias extra-hemisféricas y la lucha por recursos e
influencia en América Latina”
Los autores pretenden analizar el papel desempeñado por
varias potencias extra-hemisféricas (Rusia y China, sobretodo)
en la política de algunas naciones latinoamericanas. El asunto
se investiga dentro del paradigma de formación del mundo
polar. Se analiza tanto la política internacional en el sentido de
formar alianzas temporales y estratégicas, como también la
competencia por mercados y recursos del continente. La
atención especial se dedica a los 'triángulos' Rusia-VenezuelaChina, Rusia-Nicaragua-China y Rusia-Cuba-China (este
último tiende a convertirse en una figura mucho más
complicada con el eventual mejoramiento de relaciones entre
Washington y La Habana). Los autores pretenden analizar cuál
es el peso de los motivos políticos y económicos en el llamado
'regreso ruso' a América Latina y hacer lo mismo respecto a la
penetración de Beijing al continente. Obviamente, no se trata
de un modelo general para todo el continente (y nos parece que
hay diferencias visibles entre los casos de tal o cual país), sin
embargo queremos marcar unos rasgos básicos de penetración
de las potencias extra-hemisféricas a América Latina.
100 Olga Andrianova (Universidad Estatal de San Petersburgo)
“La política de los Estados Unidos en América Central en el
siglo XXI: la hegemonía absoluta o la cooperación
A lo largo del siglo 20, la política de los Estados Unidos en
América Latina en general y en la región centroamericana en
particular, claramente tenía el carácter hegemónico. El
desarrollo socioeconómico de los países centroamericanos
reflejaba los intereses de las empresas norteamericanas que son
apoyados por la oligarquía local y el desarrollo político
también era controlado por los Estados Unidos. En este artículo
vamos a tratar de analizar la situación en el momento actual
para identificar las tendencias principales y las perspectivas de
la cooperación.
Liliia Khadorich (Saint Petersburg State University)
“Diminishing the OAS: reasonable limits”
The beginning of the 21st century has witnessed a crucial shift
in regional politics and economy. An increased Latin American
autonomy poses a serious challenge to the U.S. leadership,
while newly emerged models of regional integration (ALBA,
UNASUR, CELAC) take over some functions traditionally
performed by the Organization of American States. Therefore
there are some grounds for reassessment of the OAS relevance.
The proposed paper offers an analysis of contemporary role of
the hemispheric body and several considerations on correlation
between Pan-American organization and several Latin
American groups.
101 Nikolai Dobronravin (Universidad Estatal de San Petersburgo)
“La reinvencion de la historia afro-latina como un
instrumento en las políticas de recursos”
A partir de la década de 1960, influenciada por los
acontecimientos en África y los Estados Unidos creció la
Conciencia Negra en el Caribe, América Central y los países
sudamericanos como Brasil y Venezuela. El interés en los
orígenes de la diáspora africana ha hecho que muchos de los
eventos y biografías conocidas fueron objeto de
reinterpretación. Por ejemplo, Zumbi, el último líder de
Palmares (s. XVII), hoy se ha convertido en un símbolo de la
Conciencia Negra y un héroe nacional en Brasil. En busca de
las raíces de su cultura, los activistas afro-latinos reinterpretan
la historia del Islam como la religión de la lucha contra la
injusticia y la desigualdad social.
Ahora los documentos relacionados con la historia de la
diáspora africana en el Nuevo Mundo no sólo interesan a los
científicos, sino también a las figuras públicas. Estos
documentos (en escritura latina o árabe) tienen capacidad de
consolidar los logros conseguidos en los últimos años.
La reinterpretación de la historia sirve para garantizar los
derechos sobre la tierra de las comunidades afrodescendientes.
Un caso interesante es la costa atlántica de Nicaragua donde la
población “Kriol” de la Costa, consciente de sí misma como un
grupo étnico distinto, exigió la autonomía cultural y territorial.
102 Anton Andreev (Universidad Estatal de San Petersburgo)
“Uruguay entre Mercosur y Alianza del Pacífico, el caso de
la política exterior realizada por la coalición de izquierda”
Durante la campaña electoral de 2014 en los medios de
comunicación uruguayos apareció una polémica sobre el apoyo
real de la línea del "Frente Amplio" sobre la política exterior e
interior realizada por el gobierno. Las encuestas de opinión de
septiembre-octubre 2014 mostraron que los dos candidatos a la
presidencia - Tabaré Vázquez, de la coalición "Frente Amplio",
y Luis Lacalle, quien representaba el partido tradicional – “El
Partido Nacional de Uruguay” (Blanco) - tenían casi igual
número de votos. Parecía que la "izquierda" estaba perdiendo
apoyo en la sociedad uruguaya, que quería ver los cambios
políticos y sociales.
El principal punto de la agenda para el Uruguay ahora es el
problema de la integración regional, es decir, sus
consecuencias positivas y negativas. El "Frente Amplio", que
una vez más llegó al poder en el país, va a fortalecer los
procesos de integración, especialmente el MERCOSUR. Sin
embargo, a pesar de la creación de las barreras aduaneras
comunes y la simplificación de las relaciones comerciales, la
dirección notada de política exterior de "izquierda" es una de
las más importantes. Durante las campañas electorales de 2004,
2009, 2014. en las páginas de los periódicos uruguayos el tema
de la integración regional aparece con mucha frecuencia. Por
eso tenemos que analizar las perspectivas de la política exterior
uruguaya, especialmente en MERCOSUR y Alianza del
Pacífico como el ejemplo de la política exterior de la
Coordinators: Edmé Domínguez
(Gothenburg University)
The fall of the Washington Consensus as a compelling
development model together with the rise of emerging
economies (with China) at the forefront have transformed Latin
American politics and economics. The presence of new (and
old) partners with an economic muscle and a growing political
influence have lessened US hegemony in the region, allowing
Latin American countries to immerse in a quest for national
development plans that better respond to local realities and
Many Latin American countries are looking for new partners
some of which have attracted special attention like the case of
China, Russia, India, Iran or other partners in the South. The
literature about Sino-Latin American relations is already vast.
In a region plagued by decades of colonialism and neocolonialism, many praise China's non-interventionist approach.
Chinese demand has shored up growth in the region and the
new left has seized the windfall to distribute resources and lift
millions out of poverty. Macroeconomic trends indicate that
the region exports mostly natural resources to China in
exchange for manufactured products, sparking fears of
reprimarization of Latin American economies. Others argue
that these exchanges are prompting a neo-extractivist
development model that is heightening socio-political and
environmental tensions. Even the so-called progressive
governments are aggressively promoting extraction in the name
104 of economic growth with redistribution. By presenting
themselves as “compensating states” that are allegedly able to
find a balance between social development and the negative
aspects of resource extraction, these governments are
perpetuating the territorial fragmentation brought about by
globalization, as resource-poor territories and groups are
switched off from the global economy. Another issue is how,
the more established relations between Latin America and the
North, for example in the case of EU, are being affected by this
Jorge Alberto López Arévalo (Universidad Autónoma de
“Comercio intra-industrial China - América Latina: los
casos de Cuba, Bolivia y Venezuela”
El presente trabajo analiza las particularidades del comercio de
China con los países de la Comunidad de Estados
Latinoamericanos y Caribeños (CELAC) con los que se
identifican relaciones políticas (Cuba, Bolivia y Venezuela).
China se ha convertido en los últimos años en un actor
destacado en el comercio mundial, y los países que son
potencialmente aliados políticos de China han intensificado sus
relaciones económicas, en consecuencia la irrupción de China
en algunos de estos países ha transformado significativamente
su especialización comercial.
El presente trabajo analiza el comercio intra-industrial entre
países considerados emergentes, lo cual difícilmente se explica
a partir de teorías como la de Heckscher-Ohlin. Las relaciones
comerciales entre China y estos países de América Latina
tienen la característica de ser una especie de centro-periferia
entre países sur-sur, donde China hace el papel de centro
105 exportador de manufacturas y los países de América Latina, de
periferia proveedora de materias primas. En consecuencia,
pretendemos capturar el sentido y la profundidad de estas
tendencias para el caso de los países que son potenciales
aliados de China.
Edmé Domínguez (Göteborgs Universitet) and Anna Protsenko
(Institute of Latin America RAS)
“Russia-Latin American relations after the Ukranian crisis:
windows of opportunity?”
The new political constellation in Latin America has created
the opportunity for new regional initiatives like ALBA and
UNASUR, CELAC and Pacific Alliance, but also for the
establishing of reinforced economic relations with such extracontinental allies as Russia, China or Iran. Even if a great part
of these new relationships may be explained as pure pragmatic
economic agreements they do redraw certain maps to which we
had got used to regarding center-periphery relations. In other
words, the political economy of the region has been changing
substantially and the consequences of these trends may still be
difficult to grasp. For example, Russian foreign policy had
been in search for new directions even before the EU economic
sanctions. These sanctions have motivated Russia to seek
closer economic relations with several countries in Latin
America who have responded in a positive way to such
The aim of this paper is to revise post-Soviet relations between
Latin America and Russia and see how do they fit in the new
geopolitical and political economy of both regions. What is the
economic, the political and possibly the ideological content of
such relations from both sides? Are these conjuncture-related
106 re-accommodations or is there any substance pointing to a long
term sustainability?
Fabricio Rodríguez (University of Freiburg)
“Making sense of China’s extractive presence in Latin
China’s expanding presence in Latin America is subject to
controversial debate. Yet, social scientists still need to generate
adequate analytical frameworks for an essentially new
phenomenon of global power in the Global South. Further,
research on this area requires careful account of the
asymmetries between countries and the diversity of extractive
economies within Latin America. A key question is how
China’s critical need for raw materials has shaped its foreign
relations to different Latin American countries since the
beginning of the 21st century. Brazil is an emerging power and
thus represents an exceptional case. Meanwhile, Peru is more
representative of countries that lack Brazil’s international
power capacities. Yet, China has become the primary exporting
address for Brazil’s state-driven oil industry as well as for
Peru’s private copper industry. Through a quasi-experimental,
comparative research design, I analyse variation in terms of the
independent variable (China’s resource policies) across two
diverse contexts with similar outcomes. If “power is the
production […] of effects that shape the capacities of actors to
determine their own circumstances and fate” (Barnett/Duvall
2005: 3), then how do China’s resource policies adapt to
contextual changes in countries as diverse as Brazil and Peru?
In order to address this question, I use a power taxonomy that
encompasses four interconnected concepts of power:
compulsory, structural, institutional, and productive.
107 Ori Preuss (Tel Aviv University)
“Roots of Mercosur: Toward an entangled South-South
history of Latin American regionalism”
At the crossroad of intellectual, diplomatic, and cultural history,
this paper concerns the widening cross-border circulation of
people and information within southern South America and the
interrelated proliferation of macro-regional, cultural-political
projects between the 1860s and 1910s. Inspired by the spatial
turn in the humanities and the histoire croisée approach, it
disavows the state as the prime frame of reference, focusing
instead on movement between the rapidly growing and
modernizing urban centers of Buenos Aires and Rio de Janeiro.
Late nineteenth century globalization, so runs the argument,
brought these cities’ inhabitants close not only to Paris, London,
and New York, as is often discussed, but also to each other,
both physically and mentally. Ever more cognizant of
international affairs and public opinion, the urban lettered
classes of the most dynamic area of Latin America created
texts, images, and spectacles that transcended “national” spaces,
thus fashioning original, distinctively South American ideas
and identities. In so arguing, the paper offers a correction to
two major traditions in Latin American studies: the
predominance of the nation-state as the main unit of analysis,
and the focus on relationships with Europe and the U.S. as the
main sphere of cultural exchange. Shifting attention away from
extra-regional, North-South relationships to the deep roots of
trans-South-American exchanges it seeks to offer a fresh
theoretical-historical approach to current South-South
dynamics within the region and beyond.
108 Adriana Salazar (University of Gothenburg)
“The developmental impacts of Chinese FDI in Venezuela:
the case of CNPC”
The rise of emerging markets like China and the failure of the
neoliberal model to deliver satisfying results seem to be
prompting a change in the development agenda. In Latin
America, countries have been diversifying its relations seeking
to lessen dependence on the US. Venezuela has deepened links
with China, now a top economic and political partner since the
launching of its “going out” policy in the early 2000s. However,
some academic and political circles are concerned that this new
relationship with Beijing may be turning into a form of neocolonialism by invitation – with negative consequences over
long-term development. Trade and investment patterns have
been discussed extensively, but incipient suggests that FDI
from developing countries is qualitatively different from FDI
from industrialised countries, bearing thus different
implications for the development of host countries. The aim of
this paper is to analyse the developmental impacts of Chinese
FDI in Venezuela, focusing on investments by China's National
Petroleum Corporation (CNPC). The research is carried out
from the perspective of developing-country FDI on another
developing country, using the emerging ambidexterity
framework from the field of international business relations as
an analytical tool. It finds that CNPC's investments offer
significant potential for promoting long-term socioeconomic
development but that governance problems in Venezuela such
as corruption, power concentration in the figure of the
President and the erosion of democratic checks and balances
hinder such potential.
Coordinadora: Edmé Domínguez
El objetivo del simposio es fortalecer un espacio académico de
discusión interdisciplinaria y transversal sobre temáticas de
género. El simposio estará organizado en diferentes paneles
temáticos. Las ponencias podrán ser en español o inglés. Los
paneles girarán en torno a temáticas transversales que
ejemplifiquen las luchas feministas en el continente, por
ejemplo, historia y actualidad de los movimientos feministas,
efectos de la globalización y resistencias de género, usos y
espacios de la memoria, derechos humanos, equidad y justicia,
género y desarrollo sustentable, construcciones discursivas de
lucha feminista e identidades femeninas, etc.
Edme Dominguez (University of Gothenburg)
“A gender perspective of trade in the case of NAFTA and
the EU- Mexico association agreement”
What is a feminist perspective of trade? Many authors have
addressed this subject approaching it through different
dimensions. The most obvious ones have been employment,
migration, labour organizing and trafficking but also education,
violence and even sexuality have been studied. This is part of
the critical studies of free trade and its consequences and the
approaches have varied and even diverged. The aim of this
paper is to revisit the issue of the consequences of free trade
from a gender perspective coming back to classical approaches
110 that nevertheless may open new paths as to how to address the
This paper has 2 parts: the first one tries to give an overview
of what has been developed regarding a gender perspective of
trade in general and in particular regarding NAFTA and the
EU-Mexico association agreement.
The second part of the paper develops this perspective in a
more empirical way focusing on the above mentioned free
trade treaties and the labour market in Mexico. We are using
statistical material but also second hand sources in an effort to
retrace a path that may lead us to new and unseen roads if
revised in a critical way.
Andrea Sempertegui (Goethe University Frankfurt)
“New radical women resistances in a neo-extractivist era”
Within a new context of “environmentalization” of social
struggles in LA, a radical antiextractivist movement has
emerged in Ecuador with a strong role of Amazonian women.
These women criticize the neoextractivist policy of the
government after the opening of the XI. Oil Round. The critical
discourse of a Huaorani leader at the Parliament and “The
Women’s March for Life”, where hundreds of indigenous
women marched to Quito against extractivist policies, have
emerged as symbolic moments of this women uprising. The
language employed to defend nature is radical, since the
“Mother Earth” is defended as a living being and
neoextractivism, despite all the promises in the name of
national interest, is criticized as a masculinized form to
conquer space.
I am going to analyze the factors that enabled the rise and
radicalism of this women’s movement, despite the fact that
111 antiextractivist movements, with a long trajectory like the
indigenous movement, have faced serious constraints for
formulating a radical opposition against neoextractivism. I
argue that the women’s vital dependency from the conservation
of nature, their potential to organize collectively and their
alliance with the Sarayaku women enabled their political
formation. The applied theoretical framework is based on
Partha Chatterjee’s subaltern studies about the “politics of the
governed”. Chatterjee values the political potential of
subalterns, who -like indigenous women- escape the logic of
neoextractivism- and have the capacity for political formation
and radical action.
María Cristina Osorio Vázquez (Universidad Intercultural
Maya de Quintana Roo)
“Socioeconomic Analysis of the Microbusiness conformed
by indigenous Mayan women in the Peninsula of Yucatan,
Women in the developing world (and perhaps even in some socalled developed countries), have workloads linked to their
families financial needs, which include rural production of
agricultural products. Implying that their working hours exceed
those of men given the tendency of women to fulfill
responsibilities at home and in productive activities outside the
household. (Fonchingong, 1999: 75).
Additionally, the reality of the indigenous Mayan woman is
commonly related to marginalization and poverty, their main
tasks are directly associated to the needs of their children,
elderly and household activities. They try to provide for their
children access to education to break the cycle of poverty and
112 frustration. Frustration related to observe alcohol consumed in
large volumes by men, in rural areas such as the Maya region
of the Peninsula of Yucatan.
The contribution of indigenous women in the home is now
more visible. While men had previously been regarded as
breadwinners, now both sexes share this role, although rarely
are recognized their efforts.
As part of the information gathered, women indicated that their
work in agricultural production has increased considerably in
recent years. In rural areas, most women work with basic tools,
and have no access to agricultural support, as offered by the
Secretaría de Desarrollo Rural e Indígena (SEDARI).
Additionally they are engaged in livestock activities. Many of
them are involved in microbusiness as a way to generate
income outside the home, alleviate poverty and create better
opportunities for their children.
Johanna Leinius (Goethe University Frankfurt)
“Mi Cuerpo, Mi Territorio - The (Cosmo-)Politics of
Translation in the Alliance-Building between Rural and
Indigenous Women in Defense of their Common Goods and
the Peruvian Feminist Movement”
In the eco-territorial conflicts in Latin America, different
understandings of progress, development and nature are
negotiated in a context characterized by highly asymmetrical
power relations. In Peru, the protagonism of rural and
indigenous women, whose livelihoods are threatened by
dispossession and environmental pollution, is notable and,
challenging the paternalist logics of previous relations, there is
a certain level of convergence with the feminist movement. In
my presentation, I ask: What are the cultural, economic, social,
113 and political factors that shape the activism of women in ecoterritorial conflicts in Peru? From what position do women
construct themselves as political subjects, which gender roles
do they mobilize, and what challenges do they face? What are
the practices and discourses that have enabled the convergence
between the feminist movement and rural and indigenous
activist women? What politics of translation are played out and
to what effect? Drawing on the experiences of the ecoterritorial conflict in Cajamarca, Peru, I argue that this
convergence is undergirded by the development of new
discourses that articulate sexual and reproductive rights with
territorial autonomy, and democracy with ecological
sustainability. I analyze the ‘cosmopolitics’ (de la Cadena) of
these practices and discourses, paying particular attention to
the limits of recognition, the moments of strategic
misunderstanding, as well as the possibilities for solidarity and
emancipation. My research is based on participatory research
with actors of the Peruvian women’s movement.
Maria Luisa Bartolomei (Stockholm University)
“Gender and Women in the Political Discourse of the
Argentine Military Government 1976-1983- The social and
political construction of citizenship - Yesterday and Today”
This paper presents a discursive analysis of both gender subject
matters and women issues in the political discourse of the last
military dictatorship in Argentina. It also takes into account the
issue of violence that was experienced by women at that time.
The paper examines the role of family, kinship and maternal
images as the central source of legitimacy in the behaviour of
socially accepted gender stereotypes (women as wives, mothers
114 and homemakers). This is in contrast to the concept of "citizen"
and the construction of a social and political citizenship.
There is also an analysis of the discourse and political practices
of the military junta. This analysis refers to women, the family
and the Christian order. It examines torture, disappearances and
rape as a way to disciplining the feminine bodies, on the socalled "subversive women", who participated in social and
political movements, during this time (public and private
sphere) and sexual violence as a crime against humanity.
The study importantly includes a gender perspective and the
discursive construction of social and political power relations.
This has been developed by authors like Jelin, Lagarde, Fraser,
Butler, Yuval Davis and Foucault et al. Finally, it takes into
account yesterday's violence against women and today’s reality,
in particular the process of building citizenship, political
participation and the autonomy of women.
Cirila Quintero Ramírez (El Colegio de la Frontera Norte)
“Medio siglo luchando en las maquiladoras. Experiencias
de lucha femenina en el Norte de México, 1965-2015”
Esta ponencia discute a través de diferentes conflictos laborales,
la participación que la mujer ha tenido desde los inicios
maquiladores, a mediados de los sesenta, hasta la fecha,
primera década del siglo XXI. A través de entrevistas con
mujeres, se reconstruyen los movimientos en los que
participaron para formar sindicatos, para exigir mejores
salarios, para frenar la tiranía de supervisores, hasta la lucha
por el apoyo de servicios como el transporte y el comedor. La
ponencia recupera la agencia que han tenido distintas
generaciones de mujeres en la maquila, cuestionando el
estereotipo de apáticas o poco interesadas en el mejoramiento
115 laboral. Se muestra como algunas fueron herederas de una
historia sindical pero otras aprendieron en la maquila a luchar,
a cuestionar para mejorar su situación laboral. La ponencia está
basada en las experiencias de Matamoros, Tamaulipas y
Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, y la entrevista a distintas
generaciones de mujeres desde 1965 al 2014.
Mariana Affonso Penna (Universidade Federal Fluminense)
“Sobre Emoção e Razão: Movimento das Comunidades
Populares e o protagonismo político das mulheres”
Nas sociedades patriarcais, mulheres e homens somos seres
incompletos. Influenciados desde tenra infância a assumirmos
papéis específicos, coerentes com aqueles determinados
socialmente como papéis corretos para cada gênero. Nos
formamos enfatizando determinadas características humanas e
sufocando outras. Em outras palavras, estamos tratando do
clichê homem razão, mulher emoção. Apesar de clichê, não se
trata de uma falsidade, observamos objetivamente que por
maiores que tenham sido os avanços da luta feminina, espaços
públicos ainda são hegemonicamente dominados por uma
lógica de dominação masculina. O Movimento das
Comunidades Populares (MCP) pôde escapar ao sectarismo
masculino tão comum a muitos grupos políticos supostamente
mais radicais, marcados pela dureza no trato entre
companheiros. Este tipo de ambiente de militância, em geral
repele as mulheres, que já têm de suportar em seus cotidianos
como esposas, filhas ou funcionárias a violência masculina.
Não faz sentido portanto buscar uma militância que reproduza
o que já lhe é desagradável no cotidiano.
Com origens na esquerda católica em 1969, o MCP desenvolve
em 12 estados brasileiros uma atuação política que valoriza a
116 emoção e sentimento de suas/seus militantes. Possuem como
objetivo fundamental ampliar e difundir as “Comunidades
Populares” como gérmen de um mundo novo. Nessas
comunidades, mesmo sem uma discussão formal de gênero,
desenvolvem uma metodologia de trabalho que abre espaço
para o protagonismo político de mulheres da classe
trabalhadora em regiões de periferia como favelas e áreas rurais
Live Danbolt Drange (NLA University College)
“An effect of migration: Indigenous grandmothers with
caring responsibilities again”
In the 1990s a flow of migration started from the Andes to
USA and Spain in seeking wellbeing and improvements.
Young parents left children behind with relatives and paid
large sums to smugglers to go to the USA to live as
undocumented migrants. They are unable to travel home to see
the children and also to bring them to the USA. In many
communities in the Andes most families have at least one
family member living abroad, a great deal of the younger
generations has hardly lived together with both parents.
Enormous demands have been placed on grandparents who
must raise grandchildren at midlife, in the transition to a stage
that would normally give more freedom to choose what they
wish in life. These grandparents belong to a generation that
have experienced a tremendous expansion of opportunity
freedom, from growing up under serfdom to be able to make
free choices. Their own upbringing did not offer much
opportunities for schooling while it today is a matter of course
for the grandchildren not only to complete primary school, but
also to continue studying at the university.
117 Generally, the migrant or the children left behind are in focus
in research on migration. In the paper, I will delve at the impact
this migration has on the well-being of the grandparents,
especially of the grandmothers for whom their freedom to
choose has been limited as they have to take care of small and
young children again.
My research question is: What effect do the migration have on
the childrearing grandmothers? What life limitations do they
Coordinator: Seija Mahlamäki-Kultanen (Häme University of
Applied Sciences)
VET Teachers for the Future is a Finnish professional
development programme, which is targeted at teachers who
work in the vocational and professional education sector
especially in Latin America. The first, Brazilian pilot group, 27
teachers, have just finished their first period of study in Finland
and are currently continuing to implement lessons learned in
the Brazilian context. The Brazilian Ministry of education
funds the programme, and it aims to support the development
of vocational and technical education in the country. Three
Finnish universities of applied sciences organize the
programme and development projects connected to it.
This panel gives voice to actors involved in the project and
focuses on of relevant pedagogical concepts and practices. To a
general extent it addresses which pedagogical methods are
more useful for best practice transfer between different
Lasse Heikkilä (Häme University of Applied Sciences)
“VET Teachers for the Future Programme Development “
The VET Teachers for the Future - Professional Development
Certificate is meant to meet the strategic goals of the Ministry
of Education in Brazil, the needs of Brazilian Federal Institutes
as well as actual programme participants (VET Teachers). The
Design-Based Research Collective (2003, 6) regards DBR as a
methodology to develop curricula, new learning environments
as well as learning theories. In this presentation DBR and
119 participatory quality work are used to develop a certificate
programme in Brazilian-Finnish cooperation and preliminary
results from the pilot group 2014-2015 are presented.
The first pilot group consists from 27 participants and conducts
a 9 month programme, 5 months in Finland and 4 months in
their own workplace, a Federal Institutes. The scope of the
programme is 30 credit points. The learning targets emphasize
project and competence-based learning and teaching and
applied research.
For the service providers, Finnish Universities of Applied
Sciences, it was important to carefully meet the learning needs
of the participants. This is why several individual interviews
were made and videoed. Two, both qualitative and quantitative
surveys, were presented to the participants in the middle and at
the end of the Finnish period.
In the mid-term survey, the overall satisfaction of the
participants was already high, 4,3 on a scale 1-5 and raised
until the end of the Finnish period. The cultural shock about the
climate or living conditions in general was reported to be
almost absent. However, the rather open pedagogical approach
and learning culture caused some frustrations. We suggest that
in spite of some tensions, the transfer of pedagogical models
between North Europe and Latin America should mainly be of
participatory nature and not mechanistic in-servicetrainings. The preliminary findings call for the institutional
level support, which is evaluated during the Brazilian period
and reported later.
120 Bruno Pereira Garcês (Federal Institute of Mato Grosso)
“Challenges for the "Teachers for the Future" in Brazil”
The Federal Institutes of Education, Science and Technology
of Brazil (IFs) are institutions specialized in the provision of
vocational and technological education. The main focus are the
vocational education courses, which can be in four different
ways: - Integrated: The students take vocational education
courses and high school in the IFs; - Subsequent: Students do a
vocational education course after the end of high school; Concurrent: Students do a vocational education course at the IF
and high school in another school. - PROEJA: It is a kind of
integrated vocational education course aimed at adult education.
In addition to vocational education courses, IFs offer higher
education (bachelor degree), master and doctoral degrees and
also teacher training courses. The Brazilian government,
through the "Teachers for the Future" is sending teachers of IFs
to Finland for pedagogical training in order to implement some
methods used by successful Finnish educational system in their
IFs. A group of 27 teachers have completed the course and
other with 33 teachers is already in Finland for training. The
challenge of these teachers is to socialize all the knowledge
obtained during this period in Finland with colleagues in order
to rethink, reevaluate and "remake" the professional education
in IFs. The purpose of this abstract is to invite everyone to a
brief discussion of how to rethink vocational education in
Brazil. Is there a protocol to be followed? Who would be
responsible for these changes? Can we take the first step with
only 60 teachers? Hands-on and let's discuss.
121 Essi Ryymin and Brian Joyce (Häme University of Applied
“Finnish-Brazilian Learning Process as an Experimental
Path towards Pedagogical Change”
The School of Professional Teacher Education of Häme
University of Applied Sciences in Finland has offered
professional training programs for the Brazilian vocational
education and training (VET) teachers since the autumn 2014.
There are thirty-one teachers studying in The VET Teachers
for the Future -programme in Finland and in Brazil. The
training was planned in co-operation with Brazilian and
Finnish partners. The Brazilian teachers are intrigued by the
current pedagogical approaches, student-centered methods,
pedagogical use of technologies and models for educational
change. On their nine-month journey, Brazilian teachers stay
and study in Finland for five months; it comprises a lengthy
series of rich experiences. Hence, the programme becomes a
living laboratory and joint idea platform for new educational
In this study, the research interests lie in the personal
experiences of the pedagogical change of the program
participants. The theoretical framework follows the narrative
research with a specific focus on the stories told by individuals
(Polkinghorne, 1995). The data was gathered through
individual interviews and analyzed within an approach called
phenomenography (Marton, 1988), which is a method for
mapping the qualitatively different ways in which people
experience phenomena. The research results indicate that
studying in Finland have been an empowering learning process
for the Brazilian teachers, and significant for their pedagogical
122 thinking. The pedagogical models are being implemented,
disseminated and developed in a more meaningful way, back in
Coordinator: Sarri Vuorisalo-Tiitinen (University of Helsinki)
For hundreds of years, Latin America has been famed for its
rich natural and human resources. At the same time it has seen
both of these exploited to an extent that is no longer sustainable.
In this panel we would like to focus on the question: who, why,
and in what way executes power over Latin America and its
human resources? To answer this question we have to pay
attention to issues such as human capital, freedom, political
culture, traditions, and historic ties that have played a
significant role in forming and simultaneously explicating the
reasons for the current status quo.
Next to economic power, there are related, more hidden forms
of power which have enabled inequality to persist in Latin
America. Our panel is concerned especially with this latter
form of power, or symbolic capital, as defined by Pierre
Bourdieu; a more subtle form of domination that is not
perceived as power but as legitimate demands for recognition,
deference, and obedience. Our research aims at the
identification, conceptualization, and further understanding of
these hidden forms of power in the creation of knowledge and
information resources, religious beliefs and rituals, media
contents, etc., in the context of historical as well as
contemporary Latin America, paying attention to the human
resources available to different groups to maintain and
challenge these power structures.
124 Jorge Calbucura (Mid Sweden University)
“Cuando lo subalterno no habla. Estrategias en relación a
la restitución, repatriación de restos humanos de
comunidades indígenas provenientes de Latinoamérica en
museos de Suecia”
En Suecia, como resultado de demandas de repatriación
iniciados por diferentes comunidades indígenas el gobierno
pidió a los trece museos e instituciones estatales que hicieran
un inventario de sus colecciones de restos humanos. El
inventario da cuenta de una considerable colección de restos
humanos guardadas en depósitos de museos y universidades. El
presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar el ayer y el hoy
del discurso sobre el manejo de los restos humanos de
comunidades indígenas provenientes de Latinoamérica en
museos de Suecia. El objetivo de mi ponencia es analizar las
estrategias implementadas en relación con la restitución de
restos humanos, así como destacar la importancia de la
restitución, la repatriación de restos humanos en relación al
reconocimiento de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas.
Kirsi Cheas (University of Helsinki)
“Resources to Speak for Themselves: Proportions of
Brazilian and ‘Northern’ Perspectives in Finnish and US
World News Ahead of the 2014 World Cup”
Following Brazil’s recent economic boom, its government has
been gaining more confidence in defining and defending the
country’s interests in the international public sphere.
Furthermore, the massive demonstrations that have taken place
in the country show that its citizens are speaking up too.
125 Building on Bourdieu’s field theory, I examine the extent to
which the voices of Brazilians in different socio-economic
positions and institutions were quoted/paraphrased in Finnish
and US world news, vis-a-vis Finnish/US/“Northern” voices,
as Brazil was preparing to host the 2014 World Cup.
Eleonora Lundell (University of Helsinki)
“Ritual Agency and Societal Changes in Contemporary
Brazil: The Case of Afro-Brazilian Religiosity in Southeast
Paying attention to the power of religious experiences and
religious knowledge is essential in terms of the current sociopolitical transformations in the Brazilian society. In this paper I
will offer fresh ethnographic insights from two Southeast
Brazilian metropolitan areas, addressing the experiences of
middle-class followers of Afro-Brazilian religions.
Martti Pärssinen (University of Helsinki)
“Ancient Earthmovers in Brazilian Amazonia and the
Accumulation of Landesque Capital”
A Finnish-Brazilian team has detected a hitherto unknown
civilization (ca. 250 BC–AD 1300) in Western Amazonia
(Acre). The societies that formed this civilization used their
manpower to build large geometric settlements and ceremonial
centers (earthworks) that were connected by a sophisticated
system of roads. These societies practiced agriculture and
horticulture, changing completely the so called pristine
character of Amazonia. At the same time the land-use practices
of this civilization accumulated resources that still affect local
political economy and the structure of power.
126 Sara Robinson-Moncada (University of Jyväskylä)
“Learning from Narratives in NGO work”
As non-governmental organizations (NGOs) take on more
significance within international development cooperation,
pressures also increase to provide concrete evidence of the
results of development interventions. Many of the existing
tools for monitoring and evaluation rely on measurable
indicators that inadequately describe many value-based
objectives, such as empowerment. Recently, narratives and life
change stories are being considered as increasingly effective
ways of gathering data on these value-based objectives. Still
even as NGOs collect narratives, their methods of and time for
analysis of them have not increased, nor have many donors’
pressures for evidence-based results varied greatly. This
research studies the concept of community and individual
empowerment from an organizational perspective based on
interviews with staff from two Finnish development NGOs’
global partner countries, including Peru and Nicaragua. Using
narrative analysis to explore empowerment and nonempowerment narratives given in individual interviews, this
study attempts to understand different dimensions of
empowerment in international development and shed light on
both organizational theories of change in empowerment
processes and methodologies for understanding empowerment
narratives. In an attempt to contribute to dialogues of
knowledge production by whom, for whom and how, the
analysis intends to search for typologies of empowerment
narratives and structural characteristics in order to
conceptualize understandings of empowering processes and
how that knowledge is used in organizations.
127 Ave Ungro (University of Helsinki)
'Discursive Dimensions of Power and Injustice in the
Contemporary Mexican Crónicas Related to the Illicit
Drug Trade' The aim of the paper is to discuss how the illicit-drug-traderelated power relations are discursively structured and
expressed in the Mexican crónicas (literary journalistic texts)
of the last ten years. The focus will be on auctorial choices and
the analysis of the interfering discursive dimensions from the
author’s, main protagonists’, and reader’s perspectives. The
paper will showcase some of the most representative discursive
frictions and utterances around topics closely linked to the
Mexican drug trade – corruption, impunity, fear, social justice,
and citizenship.
Pirjo Kristiina Virtanen (University of Helsinki)
Southwestern Amazonia”
This paper looks at the shamanic practices of Arawakanspeaking peoples in Southwestern Amazonia. It shows how
shamanism has increasingly become practiced by members of
the younger generations and women, providing them a new
chance to enter into dialogue with non-Indians, as well as a
chance for social mobility.
Yvonne Siemann (University of Lucerne)
“Symbolic capital of Japanese descendants in Bolivia”
Starting in 1899, single Japanese men migrated to the Bolivian
Amazon basin to work as rubber collectors; later, they built up
128 small shops or farms and married Bolivians. In the 1950s and
1960s, families from Japan migrated to the Bolivian lowlands
on the base of a trilateral agreement between Bolivia, the U.S.
and Japan in order to found two agricultural colonies. Many of
those post-war migrants have now moved to the nearby city of
Santa Cruz. They have become successful doctors, engineers
etc. and have a high standard of living. Generally, the
‘Japanese’ are well respected by the local Bolivian population.
But how did this high prestige evolve, considering that they
arrived as poor farmers? And where are the limitations of it?
According to the Japanese descendants (Nikkei) I interviewed
during field research in Santa Cruz, their ‘typically Japanese’
cultural values and solidarity were the reason, as well as the
focus on the acquisition of cultural capital via education. But
Nikkei benefited from their transnational relations using the
high prestige of Japan in Bolivia for their own means.
Furthermore, the Japanese government has allowed Nikkei to
work in Japan and has been an important donor: buildings,
loans, or scholarships turned out to be helpful for Nikkei (and
in turn, it allowed Japan to benefit from the Nikkei’s good
image). However, some Nikkei (mostly of pre-war origin) did
not have the same opportunities to benefit from these
transnational ties. Furthermore, the Nikkei’s symbolic capital
has also its limits in Bolivian daily life.
Sarri Vuorisalo-Tiitinen (University of Helsinki)
“Linguistic Biographies of Latin American Adults in
Helsinki: Language as a Resource of Well-Being and
Integration in the Finnish Society”
The number of Latin Americans in the capital area of Helsinki
has rapidly quadrupled in the past ten years, totaling over 6,000
129 in the end of 2013. Why do some Latin Americans learn
Finnish and others do not? I will introduce the preliminary
results of a pilot project where I collected linguistic
biographies of adult Latin Americans who have arrived in
Finland at an adult age (over 18 years old) and who have lived
in Finland for a minimum of five years. International mobility
due to societal, economic, and personal reasons brings along
questions of integration and identity. Linguistic well-being in
the new home environment is a key factor in making
international mobility sustainable and fruitful, both on
individual and societal levels.
Coordinadora: Luciana Salazar (Universidad del Valle de
El expansionismo europeo de los siglos XV y XVI, proceso
histórico que incluyó los primeros contactos con los pobladores
americanos y africanos, ocasionó una voraz carrera por el
acaparamiento de los recursos de los “nuevos” territorios, tanto
naturales como humanos. En este sentido, la lucha por el
control del comercio trasatlántico de esclavos africanos fue una
característica de esta pugna por los modos y medios de
producción. Así, la trata africana ocasionó la deshumanización
de estos “recursos humanos” al equipararlos jurídicamente
como “mercancía”, y a su vez, convertirlos en “motores de
sangre” de las economías europeas en expansión. Por
consiguiente, este simposio estará conformado por trabajos
antropológicos e históricos que analizarán las distintas facetas
de la esclavitud de millones de africanos llegados a distintas
regiones de América Latina y el Caribe. El cimarronaje, las
rebeliones y formas “sutiles” de resistencia, la libertad y la
manumisión, los cuerpos militares de negros y mulatos al
servicio de la Corona, la evangelización, la integración y la
movilidad social de las castas negras a finales de la etapa
colonial, el estatus jurídico en los nuevos estados-nación, así
como otros elementos simbióticos presentes en la cultura,
música y religiosidad de los territorios americanos, son
cuestiones que evidencian la trascendencia de estos “motores
de sangre” hacia sujetos sociales, los que tuvieron y tienen una
activa participación en la conformación de las naciones
131 María Eugenia Silva Garcés (Escuela Nacional Preparatoria,
“Identidad y aculturación en las cofradías negras de la
Ciudad de México. Época Novohispana”
Entre la población de la ciudad de México había una diversidad
de culturas africanas, las cuales se organizaron en cofradías,
corporación integrada por fieles laicos, con los propósitos de
dar culto a un santo patrono, así como a promover la caridad
cristiana y la ayuda mutua entre sus integrantes.
Las cofradías con población negra a lo largo del siglo XVI y el
siglo siguiente, estuvieron organizadas cada una de ellas por
diferentes grupos étnicos africanos y los afrodescendientes, que
les permitió tener y mantener una identidad, la cual se fue
transformando a través del tiempo hasta perder su sentido, por
el proceso de mestizaje y la aculturación novohispana.
Rafael Obando Andrade (Universidad Pablo de Olavide)
“Palenque La Guayava: un espacio de creación de dignidad
de los afrodescendientes, en la costa Pacífica
Centroamericana, Siglo XVII”
En el Pacífico de Guatemala vamos a encontrar uno de los
pocos grupos de Palenques estudiados en Centroamérica, se
trata de San Diego de la Gomera, o Palenque de “Guayava”, en
las tierras bajas fundadas a principios del siglo XVII.
Estableciéndose como importante enclave de contacto con el
Pacifico y la lejana población de las Tierras altas del interior,
hemos venido diciendo que la resistencia esclava al poder
colonial no debe pasar necesariamente por una relación de
132 fuerza, sino consiste en una serie de mecanismos que buscan
crear espacio de poder para una mejora del nivel de vida.
Luciana Salazar Plata (Universidad del Valle de México)
“Del cuento créole a los colores de la Negritud: la
genealogía y la astucia de la literatura antillana”
A través de los cuentos podemos ver los aspectos que el
hombre créole resguardó para sobrevivir dentro del contexto
colonial. Por un lado, la elección de la astucia para soportar el
régimen esclavista y la posibilidad posterior de utilizar la
escritura como símbolo de una literatura autónoma y regional.
Dicho de otra manera, referirse a los cuentos construye un
puente espacio- temporal que utiliza como ladrillos la voz de
los “conteurs” y las plumas de los autores créoles para
establecer una genealogía en este pueblo en busca de su
Los cuentos restablecen la dimensión antropológica de la
literatura antillana así como el uso del créole es una marca
identitaria. Esta herencia literaria narra una experiencia
humana que nos permite decodificar la interpretación de las
características psíquicas, morales y físicas de la identidad
forjada en estas islas. Los relatos que son contados
tradicionalmente por un conteur, en escena, detrás de los cuales
se esconde también la historia de la esclavitud. Además de que
no se puede negar la función didáctica en el cuento créole. Para
retomar el término de Édouard Glissant, diremos que la “trace”
(la huella) será el lazo antropológico que proporcionará el
ancestro de la literatura antillana: el conteur.
133 Inkeri Aula (University of Eastern Finland)
“Quilombismo contemporâneo e translocalismo do conceito
de quilombo”.
No Brasil há diversas comunidades reivindicando seus direitos
constitucionais como “remanescentes de quilombos”,
comunidades rebeldes fundadas pelos fugitivos da escravidão.
A definição é, portanto, contestada e exclui diversas
comunidades afrodescendentes. Pensamento quilombista visa
além: na sua declaração de Quilombismo em 1980, Abdias do
Nascimento propôs a estrutura comunitária dos quilombos,
baseada em “valores culturais africanos” e produção agrícola
diversificada, como um modelo ideal para toda a sociedade.
Entretanto, restava a imagem reificada de 'sobrevivências'
africanas no diáspora.
Pesquisas recentes demostram efetivamente os vínculos
transcontinentais da cultura afro-brasileira, como o intercâmbio
contínuo entre o Brasil e países africanos, e uma presença
imprevisível de europeus e indígenas nos quilombos históricos.
Justaponho essa percepção atual de translocalismo com
trabalho etnográfico em duas comunidades que se
autoproclamam quilombos e funcionam em volta da prática de
capoeira angola, outro símbolo central de resistência negra no
Brasil. Kilombo Tenondé acolhe praticantes de capoeira de
diversos continentes e combina métodos de permacultura, um
modelo transnacional de autosuficiência ecológica, com ideias
de quilombismo na sua fazenda no litoral da Bahia. Quilombo
Cecília tem uma história ativista de educação afrocêntrica no
centro histórico de Salvador, junto a atividades políticoculturais. O quilombismo destes centros divergentes ecoa a
resistência às estruturas de poder político-econômico e o
próprio transnacionalismo dos quilombos históricos.
134 Andrea Guerrero Mosquera (Universidad del Tolima,
“Babel ultramarina: evangelización e intérpretes a través
del atlántico en el siglo XVII. De los reinos del Kongo y
Ngola a los reinos de las Indias”
Misioneros de diferentes órdenes religiosas que operaron en los
reinos africanos y en las colonias americanas de las monarquías
ibéricas catequizaron a los que consideraron infieles. A pesar
de que la evangelización tuvo tropiezos y dificultades, también
tuvo aciertos —desde la visión católica— que deben ser
nombrados. Esta catequesis como dispositivo instrumental de
la educación en la fe, ha sido a lo largo de la historia una
herramienta netamente pedagógica para la enseñanza de la fe
cristiana. En este proceso de evangelización los intérpretes se
convirtieron en parte esenciales del proceso a los dos lados del
Atlántico. Según las descripciones, el proceso de catequización
fue un poco difícil en ambos lados del atlántico, todo esto
debido a la carencia de intérpretes de las diferentes lenguas
africanas, lo que lo convirtió el asunto en una verdadera babel
de la evangelización. En este texto se pretende resaltar la
importancia de estos actores y mostrar los diferentes roles que
estos jugaron en el proceso de evangelización. Todo lo anterior,
visto como un todo, un conjunto alrededor de las posesiones
ultramarinas de las coronas ibéricas, una historia de la
evangelización negra a través del atlántico, con el fin de
distinguir entre las semejanzas y diferencias, pero sobre todo
vislumbrar las conexiones e intercambios que se establecieron
durante el siglo XVII para llevar a cabo esta empresa liderada
por jesuitas y capuchinos.
Coordinator: Martin Lindhardt (Syddansk Universitet)
Throughout most of the twentieth century Latin American
Pentecostalism was mainly the religion of the impoverished
sectors of Latin American society. Churches tended to be
sectarian and were characterized by an outspoken ambition of
keeping the “world” at arms’ length and a demonstrative
unwillingness. However, well into the twenty first century
things appear to have changed. First of all a certain deinstitutionalization of Pentecostal religious life and the
embracement of individual confessed Pentecostal identities can
be observed all over the region. Many contemporary
Pentecostals shift church on a regular basis and tend to develop
religious self-identities that are not tied up to specific
institutional affiliations. At the same time the nature of
religious competition has changes in Latin America as
Pentecostal groups are mainly competing with each other over
already converted Pentecostal. Third, a new generation of
“native Pentecostals,” that is children of Pentecostal parents
have now emerged in Latin America. Many of the native
Pentecostals have higher levels of education and higher
incomes than previous generations. Finally, a partial
reformulation of classical dualistic (church/“world”) theologies
can be observed as several Pentecostals are now experimenting
with new kind of engagement with the surrounding societies,
including participation in political processes. The session is
intended to shed light on these and other transformations of
Latin America´s religious scene within recent decades.
136 Martin Lindhardt (Syddansk Universitet)
“Time to move on: Pentecostal Church shifting in
contemporary Chile”
This paper is intended to shed light on Pentecostal church
shifting in contemporary Chile. Many of the Chilean
Pentecostals I have got to know over the years have
participated in five to six different churches during their
conversion career. While Chilean Penteccostals generally
recognize the importance of regular participation in
congregational activities, many also see their current
membership of particular denominations as transitional, that is
they consider the church in which the congregate as a good
place to be at this particular point in their lives, but they do not
necessarily feel very attached to particular denominations or
The paper will focus on reasons for leaving churches.
Furthermore the increased de-institutionalization of Pentecostal
religiosity will be related to a growing individualism in neoliberal Chilean society. The second part of the paper explores
how religious competition in contemporary Chile is affected by
and responds to the emergence of a new Groups of religious
customers, namely the already converted Pentecostals WHO
are on the lookout for a new church.
Jakob Egeris Thorsen (Aarhus University)
“Catholic Pentecostal Identity in Guatemala”
Pentecostal or Charismatic Christianity in Latin America is not
restricted to churches from the Evangelical or Pentecostal
tradition. In the year 2000, the number of Charismatic
Catholics in Latin America was estimated at minimum 70
137 million, which was then equivalent to the number of
Protestants. The rise of ‘Pneumacentric’ Christianity is thus a
trans-denominational phenomenon, which has significantly
influenced the Roman Catholic Church. In this paper, I explore
how Charismatic Catholics in Guatemala shape their identity in
the cross-field between the Roman Catholic Church and its
traditions and the heavily missionizing (and often fiercely antiCatholic) Evangelical-Pentecostal churches. Drawing on
ethnographic material, I wish to demonstrate how, by
construing the Pentecostal faith expressions and practices as
originally Catholic, Charismatic Catholics create a selfunderstanding as “truly Catholic” revivalists of the Roman
Catholic Church and the main defense against fierce
competition from heavily missionizing Evangelicals.
Virginia Garrard (University of Texas)
“Toward a Pentecostal Hermeneutics of Social Engagement
in Central America? Bridging the Church and the World in
El Salvador and Guatemala”
This paper will explore themes of evangelical concepts of
citizenship in Guatemala and El Salvador. this project proposes
to advance the topic in two specific ways. First, it will
historicize Pentecostal notions of civic engagement in these
two countries. Secondly, the paper will expand considerably on
conceptualize civic engagement through leadership-building
(capicitación) for pastors and ordinary lay people, and via new
forms of outreach that extend beyond the walls of the
church. The project will explore theories of praxis utilized by
the evangelical group, ENLACE, in El Salvador, and the
Centro Esdras in Guatemala.
138 George St Clair (London School of Economics)
“Growing Up Pentecostal in Brazil: Parents, Children and
the Transfer of Faith”
By looking at second, third, and fourth generation Pentecostals,
this paper explores an under-studied dimension of Pentecostal
life in Brazil – the intergenerational transmission of religious
faith and affiliation. I focus ethnographically on the
Congregação Cristã no Brasil (CCB), Brazil’s oldest and most
traditional Pentecostal church, which has a long-established
community including fifth-generation members. Though it
appears very sectarian from the outside, among CCB
churchgoers there is great variation in the level of commitment
to the church. This paper shows that the prospect of baptism
can be approached as a measured choice, and regarded as a
return to something familiar. Long studied as a religious
phenomenon that grows through evangelization and conversion,
my research highlights the growing number of people raised as
Evangelicals in Brazil.
Mariana Affonso Penna (Universidade Federal Fluminense)
“Ecumenism as a response to Pentecostals’ religious
intolerance: the Movimento das Comunidades Populares’s
Libertarian Religion”
Some conservative Catholics attribute the Pentecostals fast
growing in the last decades as result of the Theology of
Liberation way to deal with the poor. According to them, those
catholic socialists spread up religion among the people, in a
way that everyone could freely interpret the Bible, reducing, in
consequence, the religious authorities’ role as the “truth
139 Christianity” holders and opening space for the Pentecostals’
There is some truth in this analysis. The Theology of
Liberation adepts spread up religion among the people indeed,
and they also contested the catholic mistakes of the past.
However, in no way their ideas were related to the conservative
or even reactionary role that most of the biggest Pentecostals’
churches diffuses in Brazil nowadays (persecution against
homosexuals, afro religions, feminists and others). Therefore,
catholic and Pentecostal conservatives have much more in
Originated from the “Catholic Left” in 1969, Movimento das
Comunidades Populares goes against this hegemony in a period
of significant crisis of the Theology of Liberation. This
movement, organized in 12 Brazilian states, do not integrate
any specific church. Instead, they propose a “Libertarian
Religion”, based on what they consider the truth religious
objective: relink humans with the divine. This reunification
with God can be also understood as the reunification of human
beings themselves in an ecumenical and even pantheistic
religious proposal. As a result, they have successfully united
people from different beliefs in the communities where they
Coordinadora: Fernanda Saforcada (Universidad de Buenos
La mesa abordará diferentes dimensiones de la relación entre
ciudadanía, democracia y desigualdad en América Latina.
Benedicte Bull (Universidad de Oslo) analizará las múltiples
semejanzas que existen en la manera en que instituciones como
la CEPAL piensan reducir la desigualdad en América Latina y
las ideas detrás del modelo nórdico de reducción de
desigualdad económica existente desde la década de los 50, lo
cual fue evidenciado en un reciente proyecto de investigación
conjunto, entre la CEPAL y la Universidad de Oslo. La
variante noruega de este modelo fue basada en un sistema
centralizado de negociación salarial solidaria. El sistema
acordó que los sectores de salarios más altos y de mayor
productividad tenían sueldos relativamente bajos en
comparación a los de otros países; y los segmentos más bajos
eran relativamente bien remunerados. Esto ayudó a mantener la
competitividad en una economía abierta y pequeña pero tuvo
un efecto aún más importante en la canalización de la inversión
a los sectores de alta productividad. Esto, junto con el
establecimiento gradual del “estado de bienestar,” con un
enfoque en la igualdad de derecho a la educación y altos
niveles de participación en el ámbito laboral, dio lugar a un
proceso sostenido de reducción de desigualdades,
inclusive antes de que comenzaran los flujos de ingresos
petroleros a la economía a principios de 1980.
141 Se discutirá cómo este mecanismo, con el tiempo, ha
demostrado ser robusto y ha sobrevivido varias crisis.
Aun cuando este modelo afronta desafíos en la actualidad, hay
muchos elementos interesantes a considerar para el caso de
América Latina. Sobre el mismo existen dos grandes
objeciones: La primera es basada en altos niveles de
sindicalización, que a su vez depende en altos niveles de
formalización de la economía, sin embargo, esto no es
necesariamente insuperable ya que algunos mecanismos de
fijación de salarios también pueden funcionar para el sector
informal. La otra objeción es más importante: sólo funcionaría
si es posible enfocarse en los emprendedores y no solo en una
pequeña y privilegiada élite.
Finalmente, se abordará como la estructura dominante en la
organización de negocios de América Latina ha servido como
reproductora de la desigualdad al excluir a los emprendedores
de invertir en sectores que podrían contribuir a un cambio
estructural, y por lo tanto, fijando a América Latina en una
estructura productiva que reproduce altos niveles de
Fredrik Uggla (Universidad de Estocolmo) reconocerá en su
ponencia que declarar que los ciudadanos tienen diferentes
posibilidades políticas de acuerdo a su estatus y posición socioeconómica es una obviedad. Aun así, la democracia se basa en
el principio de igualdad y puede ser vista como un mecanismo
correctivo para divisiones existentes en la sociedad. Por lo que
alza la siguiente pregunta: ¿Hasta qué punto las percepciones
de los ciudadanos sobre la posibilidad de comunicar sus
preferencias a través del sistema político son afectadas por sus
condiciones socio-económicas?
142 También presentará cómo algunos estudios sobre la relación
entre factores económicos y democracia han identificado
heterogeneidad causal respecto a esto, en el sentido de cuáles
interacciones entre estas variables difieren entre las regiones
del mundo. Esto se puede atribuir a asuntos como la herencia
de la cultura política, el carácter del sistema político o el nivel
general de desigualdad en la sociedad. Con la finalidad de
comprobar esto, la presentación comparará datos de la opinión
pública de América Latina y la Unión Europea con respecto a
cómo las condiciones socio-económicas influencian la
percepción de la eficacia política.
Jussi Pakkasvirta (Universidad de Helsinki) por su parte
discutirá diversos aspectos de las transformaciones dentro de la
comunidad política con un especial énfasis en el caso
latinoamericano. Sosteniendo que el “estilo” para crear una
comunidad política se ha transformado y que la actual era de la
Internet abre posibilidades para desafiar muchas teorías
establecidas en las ciencias sociales y los estudios culturales.
Por ejemplo, las discusiones en teorías de nacionalismo
necesitan, urgentemente, más análisis sobre las redes sociales y
la actividad política en la web. El nacionalismo está cambiando
y reproduciéndose a una velocidad nunca antes experimentada.
El mundo pluralista o de actos sociales simultáneos, en el
sentido Andersoniano, ha creado diferentes procesos de
construcción de nación como también diferentes formas de
promover el nuevo orden mundial en América Latina. A través
del análisis de datos sociales es posible buscar el último
“Zattelzeit” (periodo bisagra en los medios de comunicación”),
concepto usado por R. Koselleck para describir el rango de
modernidad cuando una gama de nuevos conceptos se forjan y
viejos se redefinen. Esto es una gran oportunidad y a la vez un
143 desafío para aquellos investigadores enfocados en temas como
la democracia y la ciudanía en países latinoamericanos.
Pablo Gentili (Universidad del Estado de Río de Janeiro,
Brasil / CLACSO) finalmente, realizará un balance de algunos
de los importantes avances alcanzados en América Latina y el
Caribe durante los últimos 30 años de desarrollo democrático.
Presentará así algunas tendencias y datos que muestran cómo
ciertas políticas públicas han contribuido a disminuir los altos
índices de pobreza, ampliando una esfera de derechos
ciudadanos que algunos países de la región nunca antes habían
conocido. Sin embargo, en su exposición, también alertará
acerca de algunas de las deudas pendientes de la democracia
latinoamericana: la persistencia de la desigualdad, la violencia
(muchas veces promovida y ejecutada desde las fuerzas de
seguridad pública) que cobra miles de vidas entre los jóvenes
de sectores populares, la discriminación de género, el racismo
y el alto nivel de incertidumbre que plantea, en términos
democráticos, un modelo de desarrollo productivo
profundamente excluyente.
a) Cine Ativismo: Short Films as Actions of Media Activism
for Human and Civil Rights in Rio de Janeiro.
The session presents short films made by activists in Rio de
Janeiro as part of local struggles "for the rights to have rights"
(Dagnino, 2007) in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Through films
circulated in online social networks, activists denounce human
rights violations (e.g. police violence, arbitrary evictions) and
different forms of segregation preceding the 2016 Summer
Olympics in the city. The videos consist of media activism, one
of the recent forms of action among local social movements.
Host Leonardo Custódio (University of Tampere, Finland) will
introduce the context in which each film was made before each
screening. After the films, the audience is invited to participate
in a discussion about the potentials and limitations of (new)
media for activism. 'Cine Ativismo' is presented in partnership
with Cinemaissi - Latin American Film Festival" in Helsinki.
b) Conversaciones sobre Wirikuta. Huicholes: The Last
Peyote Guardians (2014)
La película nos presenta el caso emblemático de la defensa de
Wirikuta, el territorio sagrado de la etnia huichol, ante la
amenaza de la explotación minera. El director Hernán Vilchez
y la productora Paola Stefani conversarán con la audiencia vía
videoconferencia al final de la sesión.
Acosta García, Nicolás (57)
Adrianova, Olga (101)
Affonso, Mariana (116,139)
Aguilar-Støen, Mariel (81)
Alemán Arrastio, Alicia (32)
Almonacid, Milton (15)
Amador, Mónica (9)
Andreev, Anton (103)
Anlauf, Axel (21)
Arellano-Yanguas, Javier (28)
Åsedotter Strønen, Iselin (12)
Aula, Inkeri (134)
Baquero Melo, Jairo (90)
Bartolomei, María Luisa (114)
Bebbington, Anthony (4)
Bernal Gómez, Pilar (31)
Biczynska, Ewelina (96)
Boanada Fuchs, Vanessa (59)
Boyer, Miriam (24)
Bull, Benedicte (78,81,141)
Calbucura, Jorge (125)
Camacho Cueva, Juan (17)
Campos Mota, Renata (93)
Cheas, Kirsi (125)
Cimadamore, Alberto (61,63)
Coletta, Michela (20)
Cuadrado, Gabriela (44)
Custódio, Léo (145)
Danbolt Drange, Live (117)
Dobronravin, Nikolai (102)
Domínguez, Edmé (104,106,110)
Domínguez, Roberto (73)
Doroszewicz, Wojciech (54)
Duer, Mara (15)
Egeris Thorsen, Jakob (137)
Ehrnström-Fuentes, María (10,35)
Escobar, Arturo (1,71)
Esquerro-Canete, Arturo (14)
Ferrié, Francis (58)
Friis Pedersen, Susanne (48,49)
Garrard, Virginia (138)
Gentili, Pablo (143)
Göbel, Barbara (27)
González, Nidia (40)
Gosso, Cecilia (82)
Groll, Constantin (86,86)
Gudynas, Eduardo (2)
Guerrero Mosquera, Andrea (135)
Guevara Fletcher, Diego (91)
Gustafsson, Maria-Therese (13)
Gutiérrez Zamora, Violeta (47)
Guzmán Gallegos, María A. (33)
Heikkilä, Lasse (119)
Heiskanen, Benita (94,95)
Illades, Carlos (79)
Jacobsen, Sven-Erik (49)
Jiménez González, Aitor (37)
Jiménez, Víctor Manuel (75)
Joyce, Brian (122)
Just Quiles, Marco (88)
Kanninen, Markku (52)
Khadorich, Liliia (101)
Kheifetc, Lazar (99,100)
Kheifetc, Viktor (99,100)
Kivimäki, Johanna (61,62)
Kröger, Markus (8,10)
Lalander, Rickard (8,18)
Leinius, Johanna (113)
Lemos, Monica (76)
Linde, Evelyn (26)
López Arévalo, Jorge (105)
Lindnhart, Martin (136,137)
Lundell, Eleonora (126)
Mahlamäki-Kultanen, Seija (119)
Marchegiani, Pia (22)
Matos, Carolina (66)
McNeish, John Andrew (5,6)
Merimaa, Maija (11)
Müller, Markus (80)
Myllylä, Susanna (46)
Nava, Nadia (94,97)
Nilsson, Manuela (34)
Nueñez, Andrés (23)
Nussio, Enzo (73)
Nygren, Anja (2,71,77)
Obando Andrade, Rafael (132)
Opas, Minna (55)
Osorio Vázquez, Cristina (112)
Pakkasvirta, Jussi (143)
Parra, Luz Paula (72)
Pärssinen, Martti (126)
Pavlova, Elena (38)
Pelisson, Elizabeth (39)
Pelle, Larisa (97)
Pereira Garcês, Bruno (121
Pérez García, Lorena (64)
Postaci, Asli (74)
Preuss, Ori (108)
Quesada, Florencia (1,71)
Quintero Ramírez, Cirila (115)
Quist, Liina-Maija (67)
Radhuber, Isabella (149)
Raftopoulos, Malayna (53)
Ramírez, Jacobo (45,84)
Ramos Díaz, José (51)
Ramos Muñoz, Dora (92)
Rauchecker, Markus (36)
Rinne, Pia (66)
Robinson-Moncada, Sara (127)
Rodríguez, Fabricio (107)
Romero, Janine (21)
Romero, Marucio (71)
Rosengren, Dan (56)
Ryymin, Essi (122)
Saforcada, Fernanda (141)
Salazar, Adriana (104, 109)
Salazar, Luciana (131,133)
Salo, Matti (43)
Salojärvi, Virpi (149)
Sánchez Quiroz, Magdiel (38)
Sánchez Terrones, Oscar (83)
Sandoval, Carlos (1)
Santiago, Teresa (79)
Sapiezyska, Ewa (65,68,69)
Sarmiento, Juan Pablo (7)
Schweitzer, Alejandro (30)
Sempertegui, Andrea (149)
Siemann, Yvonne (128)
Silva Garcés, Ma. Eugenia (132)
Skarbø, Kristine (50)
Smulders, Eva (50)
St. Clair, George (139)
Suárez-Krabbe, Julia (19)
Teivainen, Teivo (15)
Uggla, Fredrik (142)
Ungro, Ave (128)
Valdés, María Fernanda (85,87)
Virtanen, Pekka (89)
Virtanen, Pirjo (55.60,128)
Vuorisalo, Sarri (124,129)
Wigell, Mikael (42)