英 語 問 題

(第2時限:8
0分)
2
0
1
3年度
!
〈IR方式〉
英 語 問 題
(国際関係に関する英語記述問題)
(全8ページ)
注
意
事
項
1.試験開始の合図があるまで,この問題冊子の中を見てはいけ
ません。
2.解答はすべて別紙の解答用紙に記入し,楷書ではっきり書き
なさい。
3.解答はすべて横書きにしなさい。
4.解答は,各設問の解答欄の範囲(太枠内)で記述しなさい。
5.解答用紙4枚・下書用紙1枚はこの冊子に折り込んでありま
す。
6.試験終了後,問題冊子・下書用紙は持ち帰りなさい。
!
(IRab )
"
次の英文を読んで,以下の設問に日本語で答えなさい。
In the past decade there has been a groundbreaking trend across
Latin America towards electing women to political office. This began with
the election of Michelle Bachelet as President of Chile in 2006. Other
examples include the current president of Argentina, Cristina Fernandez
de Kirchner, as well as Presidents Laura Chinchilla of Costa Rica and
Dilma Rousseff of Brazil, both of whom took office in 2010.
However, women still face discrimination in regional political life,
rooted in social, economic, cultural and historical factors. And the situation
1
2
is even worse for African-descendant and indigenous women.
!
Accurate data on the situation of indigenous and African-descendant
women in the Americas is limited. But the available information shows
that in 2010, very few African-descendant and indigenous women held
significant positions in politics or public administration. There are at least
75 million black women in Latin America and the Caribbean; however,
those who occupy high-level political or public administration posts number
less than 70.
At a presentation to the International Parliamentary Conference in
Mexico in 2010, a female Mexican Senator explained that while women in
general face a male-dominated political structure, indigenous women must
3
also confront a “mono-ethnic” political environment that historically has
4
excluded any diversity.
Nevertheless, there have been some advances. According to a United
Nations report in 2010, seven countries in Central America and ten in
South America have taken steps towards ensuring the inclusion of more
women in politics, using a combination of official and voluntary systems.
These include reserved places on candidate lists, reserved seats in the
parliament and voluntary political party quotas, aimed at including a
― 1 ―
!
(IRab )
certain percentage of women as party-sponsored election candidates.
There are also small quotas for the inclusion of indigenous and
African-descendant representatives in parliaments. For instance, following
social pressure in the 1970s, Colombia introduced ethnic quotas, whereby
indigenous people are allocated two representatives in the Senate and one
in the House of Representatives. But in Colombia and elsewhere, no
special measures have been taken to specifically ensure the participation of
female indigenous or African-descendant candidates.
In Nicaragua, some indigenous women have made it to the parliament.
In Mexico, there have been some constitutional changes with respect to
involving women and indigenous peoples. Nevertheless, at the national
level indigenous people have to participate in the election process as
members of one of the traditional political parties, which generally do not
favour the inclusion of the indigenous community, much less indigenous
women. It should be noted that in the 2008 election cycle, of the 23
women who represent 18 percent of the total number of federal senators,
none identified themselves as indigenous.
The ongoing lack of indigenous women in political life should not come
as a surprise. To begin with, in order to become candidates for public
office, indigenous women must first confront a political culture that in
most
instances
favours
5
mainstream
male
candidates.
In
addition
to
6
challenges facing all women candidates, prospective indigenous women
candidates must also cope with a number of constraints peculiar to their
7
historically marginalized constituencies. These include their own lack of
access
to
educational
opportunities ;
negative
views
on
indigenous
candidates’ ability, both as women and as minorities; pressure to reject
traditional clothing and language styles and to speak and dress in
accordance
with
mainstream
cultural
norms;
and
existing
8
machismo
cultural attitudes among both men and women in their own communities
― 2 ―
!
(IRab )
that do not encourage women to assume leadership roles. This means that
if there is to be any positive change in this regard, it is first necessary to
implement
concrete
measures
to
overcome
the
multiple
forms
of
discrimination that indigenous and minority women experience.
9
NGOs in Mexico and across the region have called on state congresses
to publish data on the number of indigenous women who are active in
leadership positions in the various national political parties at regional,
municipal and indigenous community levels. These NGOs also want this
1
0
information to be disaggregated by ethnic group, and to include details on
the political achievements of indigenous women leaders. They also call for
current gender quotas to be raised to a fifty-fifty balance in the national
and local electoral laws, and for the establishment of indigenous quotas
within the female quota itself.
In practical terms, this means that political parties in Mexico and
across the region would have to begin distributing funding to train and
improve the skills of female candidates, so that they stop being regarded
as inexperienced beginners. This would include funding being directed to
female political hopefuls who come from areas with large indigenous
populations. Among other measures, NGOs argue that it would also
require instituting indigenous women’s forums to analyse what training
indigenous women need to be able to stand as candidates, and to integrate
indigenous women into election committees and human rights commissions,
especially in those countries with large indigenous populations.
(Adapted from “Electoral processes, political participation and indigenous
women in Latin America”)
― 3 ―
!
(IRab )
(注)
1.African-descendant
アフリカ人を祖先にもつ
2.indigenous
先住民の
3.mono-ethnic
単一民族の
4.diversity
多様性
5.mainstream
主流の
6.prospective
有望な
7.marginalized
社会的に軽視されている
8.machismo
男性優位主義の
9.NGO
非政府組織
1
0.be disaggregated by…
…ごとに細分化される
〈 設 問
〉
〔1〕下線部
" を訳しなさい。
〔2〕2
0
1
0年に出された国連の報告書で挙げられている,女性の政治参加を増やす
ために中南米の1
7の国々が取った手段とは何かを説明しなさい。
〔3〕先住民族の人々,特に女性が国政レベルで政治参加することに関して,既存
の政党はどのように感じていると述べられているか,答えなさい。
〔4〕女性候補者が直面する困難に加え,先住民族女性の候補者が直面する困難と
は何か。4点挙げなさい。
〔5〕
「メキシコやその他のラテンアメリカ地域の非政府組織が先住民族女性の政治
参加を増やすために,より詳細なデータの公表などを政府に求めている」と
あるが,さらにそれが実際に意味するところはどういうものであると述べら
れているか,説明しなさい。
― 4 ―
!
(IRab )
"
次の英文を読んで,以下の設問に日本語で答えなさい。
1
Europeans must create a democratic and accountable polity to remove
what has been called the “democratic deficit.” Thus far, the movement
!
toward greater European economic and political unification has been an
elite movement composed of national public leaders, business leaders, and
EU civil servants. Public opinion throughout the European Community, on
the other hand, has been either hostile or at least unprepared for the
increasingly ambitious steps being taken toward a unified European
2
political and economic structure. Indeed, the Maastricht Treaty, even
though it was signed by all fifteen members of the EU, soon met
3
opposition in the ratification process in Denmark, France, and Great
Britain. Even in Germany there has been strong citizen resistance to the
idea of giving up the Deutschmark in favor of the euro. Despite creation
of the EU and talk of a new “European” mentality, political consciousness
in Europe as of this writing remains largely national
German, French,
and so forth. The hard political facts of separate national identities have
continued to clash with the intense efforts of the European political elite
to implement the extraordinarily ambitious Maastricht Treaty.
The peoples of Western Europe do not have any direct influence over
the major decision-making institutions of the EU
5
Commission
4
the Council and the
6
and those institutions have no accountability to EU citizens.
Despite its success in forcing the Commission members to resign in 1999,
the directly elected European Union’s Parliament in Strasbourg has only
limited powers. Because of this “democratic deficit,” the peoples of Western
"
Europe have little sense of identity with the Union and lack loyalty to its
institutions; the Germans, French, British, and others continue to identify
with and be loyal to their respective nations. Without a committed
7
European citizenry, it may be very difficult for the EU to endure the
― 5 ―
!
(IRab )
serious economic and political problems that lie ahead. Until this problem
is resolved and a true European polity is achieved, both the political unity
within the European Union and the institutions of the Union will remain
extremely vulnerable.
!
There is reason to doubt that monetary and economic unity can
survive without greater political unity. Indeed, in their haste to achieve
monetary unity, Europeans have reversed the historic relationship between
monetary and political unity. No less a Brussels bureaucrat than former
8
Chief Commissioner Jacques Delors has proclaimed that the EMU could
not work without a “European economic government.” Yet the French, who
were for a long period the foremost advocates of an economic government
to exercise control over the policies of the European Central Bank, have
simultaneously and strongly resisted a political government. It is very
doubtful that the EMU will work without a centralized authority of some
kind. Indeed, Great Britain rejected the EMU in part because it feared
that a centralized European political system would necessarily have to
accompany monetary and economic unity.
The
history
of
both
regional
and
international
monetary
affairs
indicates that monetary and economic unity cannot proceed far without a
strong political foundation. Political leaders must ensure that member
countries maintain the credibility of their commitments and do not cheat.
A secure political framework for European monetary integration and
solution of the credibility problem could be achieved either through close
cooperation of the major European powers or by the exercise of strong
leadership by one or another of the major powers. Thus far, the three
"
major powers have failed to achieve such a cooperative relationship.
Although the Germans and the French have cooperated in the sense that
the
Germans
(at
considerable
expense
to
themselves)
supported
the
threatened franc, the British refused to cooperate in the 1992 financial
― 6 ―
!
(IRab )
9
crisis when they decided not to defend sterling because of the potentially
high cost to the British economy. Furthermore, fundamental differences
between Germany and France have limited their cooperation, and Germany
has thus remained the sole power that could possibly perform the tasks
required for greater European economic and political unity.
Until and unless the governance issue is resolved, the governing
!
1
0
structure of the European Union will continue as a hybrid operating
through a system of loose cooperation among national governments in a
politically sensitive area and restricted by some higher authority held by
the European Commission. The supreme decision-making body, the Council
of Ministers, meets only once a month and works according to very
complicated decision−making procedures. The authority of the Parliament
1
1
has been slowly expanding through codecision with the Council, but until
the late 1990s its authority was based primarily on its ability to block
legislation. How far the Union will be able to move beyond these
ineffective arrangements toward its proclaimed ultimate goal of political
unification remains to be seen.
(Adapted from a work by Robert Gilpin)
― 7 ―
!
(IRab )
(注)
1.polity
政治組織
2.the Maastricht Treaty
マーストリヒト条約
3.ratification
批准
4.the Council (of the EU or Ministers)
(EU または閣僚)理事会
5.the Commission
欧州委員会
6.accountability
責任
7.a committed European citizenry
献身的な欧州の一般市民
8.EMU (Economic and Monetary Union) 経済・通貨同盟(ユーロ圏)
9.sterling
英国の通貨
1
0.hybrid
混合体
1
1.codecision
共同決定
〈 設 問
〉
〔1〕下線部
" を訳しなさい。
〔2〕下線部
# の EU の意思決定の仕組みに関して,this
“democratic deficit”と
はどのようなことを意味しているか答えなさい。
〔3〕下線部
$ について,筆者はなぜそのように考えるのか,その理由を答えなさ
い。
〔4〕下線部
% について,具体的な状況を説明しなさい。
〔5〕下線部
& について,筆者は,EU が政治統一という究極の目標に進むには,
どのような governance の改善が必要であると考えているか答えなさい。
― 8 ―
!
(IRab )