L2/15-012

L2/15-012
Preliminary proposal to encode the north-eastern Iberian script for the UNICODE
standard
Joan Ferrer – Noemí Moncunill – Javier Velaza
LITTERA GROUP
University of Barcelona
1. Introduction
The north-eastern Iberian script is attested in the north-eastern quarter of the Iberian
Peninsula from the second half of the 5th century B.C. to the 1st century A.D. in more than 2.000
inscriptions in Iberian language (Untermann 1975; 1980; 1990; Campmajo, Untermann 1991;
Panosa 1993; Hesperia1). The corpus consists of long texts on lead sheets (Fig. 2, 11, 12 and
13), which mainly correspond to commercial letters and administrative documents; small
inscriptions on ceramic vases, usually with the name of the proprietary (Fig. 18); coin
inscriptions with the indication of the mint, personal names and marks of value (Fig. 16 and 17);
steles and stone plaques (Fig. 13 and 14) with funerary formulae; stamps on ceramic with the
name of the producer (Fig. 21); painted inscriptions on ceramic of indeterminate linguistic
content (Fig. 1 and 22); rock inscriptions with likely votive formulae (Fig. 3, 4, 5 and 7);
inscriptions on personal objects such as spindle-whorls (Fig. 6 and 19), weights, or even arms,
etc. The decipherment of this script was accomplished at the beginning of the 20th century by
Manuel Gómez-Moreno (1922, 1949). This achievement was essentially possible thanks to the
existence of coin inscriptions, which were, in some cases, bilingual, and, in some other cases,
clearly linkable to place names known trough Greek and Latin ancient sources. The emerge of
some Iberian inscriptions written in an adaptation of the Greek alphabet –the most remarkable is
the lead of La Serreta d’Alcoi (G.1.1), which revealed the phonetics of the Iberian language–
was also helpful at this regard, as well as the existence of a Latin inscription with an extensive
relation of Iberian personal names, known as the Turma Salluitana (CIL I2, 709). Nevertheless,
some aspects of the Iberian script had not been entirely deciphered until very recent dates. Such
is the case of a variant of this script called the dual system, which consists of the use of signs
with two variants, each of them with a proper value, differing one from each other in presenting
an additional stroke (Maluquer 1968; de Hoz 1985; Correa 1992; Quintanilla 1992; Ferrer i Jané
2005). In fact, some concrete aspects of this system are even still in process of research, as we
will explain in the following sections (Ferrer i Jané 2013b; in press 2014a).
The north-eastern Iberian script belongs to the palaeohispanic scripts family, together
with the Celtiberian script (Untermann 1997), the south-eastern Iberian script (Untermann 1990)
and the south-western or Tartessian script (Untermann 1997). In addition, it is necessary to
consider the existence of the Espanca abecedary (Untermann 1997, J.25.1; de Hoz 2010, 488),
found in the same territory where the south-western or Tartessian script is attested.
Nevertheless, this abecedary does not exactly match neither the Tartessian script nor the southeastern Iberian script. This family of writing systems is characterized by both a similar corpus
of signs and the coexistence of alphabetic and syllabic signs.
The Celtiberian script is clearly an adaptation of the north-eastern Iberian script to the
particularities of the Celtiberian language. Just as its model, it also presents the so-called dual
variant or dual system (Ferrer i Jané 2005; Jordán 2005; 2007). This script can be considered as
a subset of the north-eastern Iberian, which would allow using the Iberian north-eastern
UNICODE to represent Celtiberian inscriptions as well. This script is documented between the
end of the 3rd century B.C. and the early 1st century A.D. in nearly two hundred inscriptions
attested in the interior of the Iberian Peninsula.
1
hesperia.ucm.: Database with critical editions of all the palaeohispanic inscriptions (Luján, Orduña forthcoming;
Orduña, Luján, forthcoming; Velaza, forthcoming). It is a collaborative project carried out by a team of researchers
from the Universities of Zaragoza, Complutense of Madrid, Basque Country and Barcelona.
1 The south-eastern Iberian script is used in ca. 70 inscriptions attested in the south-eastern
quarter of the Iberian Peninsula, likely to represent the Iberian language, from the 4th century
B.C. to the 1st century B.C. However, it is also possible that the most western inscriptions were
written in a different language (de Hoz 2011, 707). Although this script is fundamentally used to
represent the Iberian language, it is noticeably different from the north-eastern Iberian scripts:
both writing systems present an amount of exclusive signs and, in some cases, the shared signs
have different values.
On the other hand, the south-eastern script is very close to the south-western or Tartessian
script, employed in a hundred inscriptions in a language of unknown filiation attested in the
south-western corner of the Iberian Peninsula, perhaps since a period running from the 7th up to
the 4th century B.C. Some scholars (de Hoz 2010, 521; Correa 2009, 276) use the denomination
of Tartessian in a restrictive way to identify only the script in which the Tartessian-core-zone
inscriptions are written, saving the denomination south-western for the inscriptions of the
western peripheral zone, which comprehend the main body of the group.
Hence, considering the indicated differences between the southern scripts and the northeastern Iberian script, and also their different degree of decipherment, which is much more
deficient for the two southern scripts, it is advisable that the south-eastern Iberian script and the
south-western or Tartessian script configure a UNICODE codification apart.
It is usually accepted that at the last analysis the palaeohispanic scripts derive from the
Phoenician alphabet (Untermann 1990, 135; Correa 2009, 276; de Hoz 2010, 485; 2011, 200;
Rodríguez Ramos 2004, 39), although some authors claim the influence of the Greek alphabet
as well (Untermann 1990, 135). The traditional thesis holds that the north-eastern Iberian script
derives, in one way or another, from the south-eastern Iberian script (de Hoz 2010, 423), which,
in turn, would derive from the south-western or Tartessian script. Nevertheless, if the hypothesis
of the existence of a dual system also in the south-eastern Iberian script was confirmed, then the
most economical hypothesis would be to put both Iberian scripts at the same level and to
postulate the existence of a common ancestor which would also be dual. This characteristic
would not match the scripts that have been traditionally identified as possible ancestors, since
neither the south-western or Tartessian script nor the Espanca abecedary are dual scripts (Ferrer
i Jané 2010).
2. Characteristic of the script
The north-eastern Iberian script consists of vocalic signs, a, e, i, o, u; syllabic signs for
the dental plosives, ta, te, ti, to, tu, velar plosives, ka, ke, ki, ko, ku, and labial plosives, ba,
be, bi, bo, bu; and consonantal signs for the nasals, m, n, lateral, l, sibilants, s, ś, and trills, r, ŕ. There are still some other signs of controversial value, which seem to combine both a
vocalic and a consonantal component. Such is the case of a relatively frequent sign, transcribed
as ḿ, which has been commonly integrated into the Iberian signs repertoires. It is also the case
of two other extremely rare signs, initially considered as allographs of others, but that have later
been confirmed as autonomous in appearing in some of the abecedaries discovered in the last
years. One of them is the sign with the shape of a T or I, which is transcribed as m̌, due to its
proximity to the nasal signs, in a general way, and with ḿ, in particular, due to the fact that it
appears next to this sign in Ger’s abecedary (Ferrer i Jané 2013a; in press 2014b). The other
controversial sign is , which would fit as a marked variant of l. This sign appears in Castellet
de Bernabé’s abecedary together with a normal l sign, and it is transcribed as â (Rodríguez
Ramos 2001, 286; Ferrer i Jané 2009, 474; in press 2014b), taking into account its apparent
vocalic nature and the fact that it always appears after l.
The oldest inscriptions (5th to 3rd century B.C.) are written in a script modality called dual,
which uses, as mentioned above, two variants for every single sign. These variants differ one
from each other in the addition or lack of a stroke.
2 The most common dual system (which would come up to 39 signs [Fig. 9]) duplicates
only dental syllabic signs, ta/da, te/de, ti/di, to/do, tu/du, and velar syllabic signs, ka/ga,
ke/ge, ki/gi, ko/go, ku/gu. On the other hand, dualities for the labial signs, ba, be, bi, bo, bu,
are not detected, which is due to the low productivity of /p/ in the Iberian language, as it can be
particularly seen in the longest Greco-Iberian inscriptions, as the lead sheet from La Serreta
d’Alcoi (G.1.1). This dual variant is attested in Ger’s (Fig. 4), La Tor de Querol’s (Fig. 5) and
probably Bolvir’s (Fig. 3) abecedaries and it probably represents roughly a 35% of total.
Nevertheless, in short inscriptions it is not always clear whether the system being used is the
dual or non-dual abecedary. Another variant of the dual system, which would reach 46 signs (Fig. 10), expands the
repertoire of dualities to vowels, a/á, e/é, i/í, o/ó,u/ú and to some continuous consonants, s/ŝ and
ŕ/ř. This variant is attested in the Castellet of Bernabé’s (Fig. 1) and Tos Pelat’s (Fig. 2)
abecedaries. The inscriptions showing dualities also for continuous consonants and vocals are
scarce: they represent only 5% of the total and are confined to the surroundings of Llíria
(Valencia) (Ferrer i Jané 2013b; in press 2014a). On the other hand, the most recent inscriptions (2nd and 1st centuries B.C.) no longer show
dualities; the abecedary remains reduced to 29 signs instead (Fig. 8), mostly using only the
unmarked variant of each pair. Near 60% of inscriptions in the corpus use a non-dual script.
The inscriptions are usually written from left to right, but occasionally from right to left
instead. Only around 30 texts (out of 2.000 inscriptions in north-eastern Iberian script) are
written from right to left, although most of them are ceramic stamps in which the model was
left-to-right. One of the most remarkable exceptions is Ger’s abecedary on rock (Fig. 3).
3. Ordering
3.1. Order in the code chart
The north-eastern Iberian abecedaries do not always use the same sign order. Among the
five north-eastern Iberian dual abecedaries attested (Castellet de Bernabé’s [Fig. 1; Ferrer i Jané
2009; Velaza 2006], Tos Pelat’s [Fig. 2; Burriel et al. 2011], Bolvir’s [Fig. 3; Ferrer i Jané
2013a; 2013b], Ger’s [Fig. 4; Ferrer i Jané 2013a; 2013b] and La Tor de Querol’s [Fig. 5; Ferrer
i Jané e.p. 2014c]), the initial sequence kututidibabita appears in the last two of them. They
represent, together with that from Bolvir, the only three abecedaries preserving, with certainty,
the initial sequence. In addition, a probabilistic method has been recently proposed to identify
non-dual abecedaries in other inscriptions (Ferrer i Jané in press 2014b); two of the abecedaries
identified following these criteria, Esquirol’s and Can Rodon’s abecedaries, begin with the
sequence kutukiŕbitatiko.
The inexistence of a unique sequence in the Iberian abecedaries forces to adopt an ad-hoc
order, grouping signs according to their value. Therefore, vowels will appear in the alphabetic
order a, e, i, o, u; plosives in the usual alphabetic order b, k, t; and continuous consonants in the
alphabetic order l, m, n, r, s. The marked-sign pairs will be grouped together, the marked
character preceding the unmarked, as it appears in the north-eastern Iberian abecedaries. The
conflictive T-shaped sign is grouped together with nasals, as it actually appears in the attested
abecedaries. Numerals are grouped at the end, and the last sign is saved as word separator. The
conflictive sign in the shape of a complex Iberian l is placed together with this sign, as it
appears in Castellet de Bernabé’s abecedary.
3.2. Order for sorting
Published Iberian lexicons (Tovar 1951; Siles 1985; Velaza 1991, Silgo 1994; Moncunill
2006, 24) use the Latin alphabetical order for the alphabetisation of Iberian transcribed texts,
though with some small changes depending on the author and regarding the treatment of
voiceless and voiced occlusive sounds, as well as that of sibilants and trills.
3 Hence, in general terms the order proposed follows the alphabetical order of Iberian texts
transcribed into the Latin alphabet. The exceptions to this principle are due to the aim of
maintaining together groups of signs with similar values. For this reason, the order proposed
would be as follows: a, á,â, ba, be, bi, bo, bu, da, ta, de, te, di, ti, do, to, du, tu, e, é,ga, ka,
ge, ke, gi, ki, go, ko, gu, ku, i, í, l, m, n, o, ó, r, ŕ, ř, ś, s, ŝ, u, ú, ḿ, m̌. Specific exceptions to
the alphabetic order are the following ones:
-
Consecutive order for simple sibilant (s) and complex sibilant (ŝ); -
Consecutive order for voiceless and voiced plosives in order to keep together the dual
and non-dual transcriptions of the same elements (for instance, the word ekiar /
egiar). -
Consecutive order for m and n, since they are signs that can alternate (for instance
iunstir / iumstir). -
Consecutive order for the supposed nasal ḿ and m̌, after the two signs for u, since the
characteristic vocalic component of ḿ can be usually identified as u (for instance
ḿbaŕ / VMAR). 4. Numbers
Iberian metrological expressions (Untermann 1990, 146, de Hoz 1981; 2011, 191) are
basically formed by groups of vertical bars (equivalent to the sign ba) to generate the numerical
component of the expression: I = 1, II = 2, III = 3, IIII = 4, IIIII =5. The accumulation of bars
can reach up to 20 elements (F.17.1). There is a subset of metrological expressions, which usually does not exceed six vertical
bars, that appears together with a sign similar to Greek Π. This element appears to be acting as
an auxiliary base, perhaps with the value of 5 (Lejeune 1983, 33; de Hoz 2011, 195), in a
decimal context and in accordance with its value in the Greek acrophonic number system (Π =
penta), or maybe with the value of 6 (Ferrer i Jané 2014, 65) optimizing its value in a
duodecimal context.
Usually the numerical expressions formed by a Π followed by several bars appear
together with characters of the basic corpus, a, o, ki, e, be, l, ti, ḿ and ka, which these numerals
seem to quantify. These characters could express measurement units in different metrological
systems and in most of the cases they probably stand for the initial of the unit name, for
instance, e for etar, and ki for kitar (Rodríguez Ramos 2005, 45 i 63; Orduña 2005, 499; Ferrer
i Jané 2011b, 101; 2014), so it does not seem necessary to encode them as different shapes. Nor
do we consider necessary to encode the sign s as an independent shape, as attested on painted
amphora inscriptions from Vieille-Toulouse, forming groups of up to 4 elements: ssss (Lejeune
1983; de Hoz 2011, 195). Some metrological expressions use a specific L-shaped sign, which does not match any
other character of the Iberian script; the numerical value for that sign is still uncertain
(Untermann 1990, 147). This sign also appears in metrological expressions on painted amphora
inscriptions from Vieille-Toulouse (for instance L III) and in lead-sheet inscriptions from
Iàtova (for instance L Π IIIII [F.20.2]). Some coin inscriptions present value marks (Ferrer i Jané 2007), which, in some cases,
have an equivalent symbol formed by the initial of the unit followed by the numerical
component. In the case of undikesken coins, quarters show sign - and halves sign =, which is
actually a reduplication of the former (¼ + ¼ = ½). These signs can present several other
variants depending on the mint, as it is in śaitabi, where < is used for quarters and << for
halves. Sign – also appears in some metrological expressions in lead sheets from Iàtova (for
instance ḿ · ΠI · ḿ– [F.20.2]).
4 Numerical symbols not represented
as characters
5? / 6? / ?
?
1/4
1/2
5. Word separators
Most part of the two thousand of the north-eastern Iberian inscriptions are very short and
do not need word separators, but long texts (ca. 200 items) do use them. The most common
word separator consists of two vertical dots. Nevertheless, the oldest epigraphic tradition tends
to use rather 3 or more vertical dots; in the most recent inscriptions on stone, on the other hand,
the use of an isolated dot is frequent, imitating the Roman style. Sporadically the vertical bar
can also be used and, in some rare cases, just a blank (Simon 2011).
6. Characters
The standard script has been built taking into account an inventory of signs as large as
possible, including all dual variants confirmed in the attested abecedaries, and thus choosing
duality as an answer to one of the main doubts posed about how the codification of northeastern Iberian script should be done (Comas, Moncunill 2009).
Following the criteria and main objectives of the UNICODE standards, multiple variants
of a single sign have not been included (Untermann 1980, 49; 1990, 246; Rodríguez Ramos
2004, 143; de Hoz 2011, 743), but just the signs with different values; such principle has not
been followed in an officious proposal of UNICODE encoding recently realised (Huertas 2009).
The choice of the most representative variant for each sign has been done according to their
concurrency frequency in presumably dual inscriptions.
The most common convention to transcribe dualities for dental and velar plosives signs is
to use the voiced signs for simple variants and to save voiceless ones for complex variants (for
instance, ge / ke and de / te). Such convention is based on the Iberian phonetics attested in
Greco-Iberian inscriptions and in Greek and Latin inscriptions, where simple variants appear
represented by voiced signs and complex ones by voiceless signs. An alternative convention to
represent this opposition is to arbitrarily maintain the representation of the voiceless and to
stress the vowel of the marked variant: for instance ke / ké and te / té. In any case, these
conventions are of little significance as for the UNICODE encoding, since they only come up in
the name given to each character.
Velar Syllabic signs
ka
ke
ga
ge
ta
te
da
de
ba
be
ki
ko
ku
gi
go
Dental Syllabic signs
gu
ti
to
tu
di
do
Labial Syllabic signs
du
bi
bo
bu
5 The standard script takes also into account dualities for all vowels, as attested in Tos
Pelat’s abecedary for all five vowels, and in Castellet de Bernabé’s abecedary, for a and o.
Duality for sign e explicitly appears in some painted inscriptions from Llíria. However, the
detected graphic opposition between marked and unmarked vowels has not found any a
plausible phonetic explanation so far (Ferrer i Jané 2013b, 451; in press 2014a).
Vowels
á
é
í
ó
ú
a
e
i
o
u
The standard UNICODE script also includes dualities for continuous consonants
explicitly attested in some of the preserved abecedaries. Such is the case of the duality of trill r
attested in Tos Pelat’s abecedary and in several long inscriptions on lead. On the analogy of the
use of this exact same duality in south-eastern Iberian script, where ř appears most of the time
in an intervocalic context, it has been proposed (Ferrer i Jané 2010, 101; 2013b, 448; in press
2014a) that the marked variant in north-eastern Iberian script, ř, was the multiple trill, whereas
the unmarked variant, ŕ, should be the simple one. This is also the case of sibilant s, attested in
Castellet de Bernabé’s abecedary and sporadically in some other inscriptions. On the analogy of
the value of the mark of occlusive consonants, it has been proposed (Ferrer i Jané 2013b, 445; in
press 2014a) that the marked sibilant, ŝ, should be the voiced one (fortis), whereas the unmarked
variant, s, should be the voiceless one (lenis).
Consonants with dual variants
ř
ŝ
ŕ
s
The rest of continuous consonants, r, ś, m, n and l, do not appear dual variants in
currently known abecedaries.
Consonants without dual variants
r
ś
m
n
l
Although it exists at least one Iberian inscription (Ferrer i Jané in press 2014a) and two
Celtiberian inscriptions with an isolated marked variant of n, similar to what is attested in southeastern Iberian script, the more plausible hypothesis is that sign m in north-eastern Iberian script
was actually a marked variant of n and, therefore, the explicitly marked variants of n were
indeed allographs of m.
There is a scarcely attested sign, , which according to its shape could work as a marked
variant of l (X5; Rodríguez Ramos 2001, 287; S79; de Hoz 2011, 190 and 744); in fact, in the
Castellet de Bernabé’s abecedary it is found pairing with l, although inverted with regard to the
usual complex-simple order. It has commonly been (Untermann 1990, 246) considered as a
variant of e (e7) or ka (ka7). In inscriptions, it appears most of the times in the same order,
pairing with preceding l; for this reason the hypothesis of this sign being a complex variant of l
must be rejected, although it could have been so originally. Therefore it is necessary to reject
6 also its transcription as l’. In some texts where attested, it seems plausible to think that this sign
had a vocalic component related to lateral l. Finally, it is arbitrarily represented in this proposal
as â, instead of á as displayed in other works (Rodríguez Ramos 2001, 286; Ferrer i Jané 2009,
474) in order to avoid the confusion with the complex variant of vowel a. Sign (S75; de Hoz 2011, 190 and 744), which appears as
or under a double-arrow
shape in early inscriptions (S77; de Hoz 2011, 189 and 744), has commonly been regarded as a
variant of one of the nasals signs, either m or ḿ (Untermann 1990, 247, ḿ5), or as a nondeciphered sign, but its appearance in Ger’s abecedary and probably also in Tor de Querol’s
abecedary (Ferrer i Jané 2013to; 2014b), together with m and ḿ, proves its independence and
its relationship with nasals, as it appears next to ḿ. The transcription sign
as ḿ does not reflect its real value either, since it is accepted
that it might have both a nasal and a vocalic component. Yet, we keep the usual transcription ḿ
out of tradition.
Signs with problematic values
with both a vocalic and a
consonantal component
m̌
ḿ
â
Additionally, there are several extremely rare signs for which it cannot be said whether
they are independent signs or local variants for any already known signs. However, as they do
not appear in any of the attested abecedaries and considering their low concurrency frequency, it
seems reasonable not to encode them in the standard UNICODE, except for sign S87.
hapax
S87
B’oide
Sign S87, which is similar to a herringbone with two, , or three strokes,
, (X4;
Rodríguez Ramos 2001, 284; S87; de Hoz 2011, 744), is the most common one of this group.
This sign is sometimes transcribed as e, as in coin inscription sesars (A.44); however, it could
also be either an inverted variant of the complex shape of sing u (Ferrer i Jané 2011a, 218, note
8), a hypothetic variant of the sign for bo (Ferrer i Jané, Garcés 2005, 987) or even a sign with
another different value.
The sign also belongs to this group (X1/X2; Rodríguez Ramos 2001, 282; S76; de Hoz
2011, 744). For instance, it appears in the ostrakon of Pontós (C.3.1), where it is interpreted as a
complex variant of ke.
Another conflictive character (Velaza 2009, 617) is the second sign attested in the coin
inscription arsaos (A.37). In spite of its irregular shape,
/ , similar to a a6 (Untermann
1990, 246), it is usually considered an allograph of r, and thus it does not need to be encoded
separately.
It has neither been taken into account in the UNICODE repertoire the possibility that
some dualities actually show three elements of variability, as in the lead sheet from Castelló
(F.6.1) and perhaps in the one from Ensérune (B.1.373*), where variants for sign ke composed
of two strokes, in the first case, and of two dots, in the second one, are found (Orduña 2013,
518, note 9). Such variants have been usually considered to be allographs of the complex
7 variant, but it must be noted that they appear together in the same text, alternating both with
purely unmarked variants and with variants marked with a single stroke or dot. This could be an
indication that the three-element variability could also be internally significant. Although this
phenomenon is not explicitly attested in any other inscription, such explanation could also be
applicable to other signs, which, according to their known shapes, could turn out to have three
working variants, instead of the two defined by the dual system (Ferrer i Jané 2010, 107, note
122). However, since evidences are currently scarce at this regard, these variants have not been
included in this proposal.
In a similar way, in some other inscriptions, for instance in a kálathos from Castelillo de
Alloza (E.4.2) and in the lead sheet from Olriols, Tamarit de Llitera (Ferrer i Jané, Garcés 2005,
988, note 10), two reflected variants of the sign ki, in particular ki1, , and ki6,
, coexist.
Again, it is not clear if this must be considered as a deliberate attempt to differentiate the sounds
or if it is just the result of the natural variability in manual writing.
Hence, the group of characters proposed to encode the north-eastern Iberian script would
be as expressed in the following table. A place for a hypothetical complex ś has been saved, not
attested in north-eastern Iberian script, but existing in south-eastern Iberian script. The rest of
saved codes are displayed in the fourth column.
000105C
000105D
000105F
000105E
0
á
ga
do
S87
1
a
ke
tu
2
é
ge
du
3
e
ki
l
4
í
gi
ã
5
i
ko
m
6
ó
go
n
7
o
ku
ḿ
8
ú
gu
m̌
9
u
ta
r
A
ba
da
ř
B
be
te
ŕ
numeral
V
bi
de
ŝ
numeral
D
bo
ti
s
1/4
E
bu
di
F
ka
to
ś
1/2
Word
separator
The variants used to define the canonical glyphs of this script are those corresponding to
the dual variant. Yet, those glyphs that should be used in order to define a non-dual north-
8 eastern Iberian font are also indicated. The inexistent dualities in this script are filled up with the
basic variant glyph with the aim of facilitating compatibility between dual and non-dual texts.
000105C
000105D
000105F
000105E
0
á
ga
do
S87
1
a
ke
tu
2
é
ge
du
3
e
ki
l
4
í
gi
5
i
ko
m
6
ó
go
n
7
o
ku
ḿ
8
ú
gu
m̌
9
u
ta
r
A
ba
da
ř
B
be
te
ŕ
numeral
V
bi
de
ŝ
numeral
D
bo
ti
s
1/4
E
bu
di
F
ka
to
ś
1/2
Word
separator
7. Characters Names Over the last years, the designation north-eastern Iberian script has been the most
common name used among scholars, prevailing over Levantine Iberian script. In order to
establish the terminology for each character, the name of the script is displayed in the first place,
followed by the description of the type of sign, if known, and, finally, its transcription or
proposed value. In order to avoid problems with the special characters in the text file,
transcriptions ŕ, ř, ś, ŝ, ḿ, m̌ are represented respectively as r', r'', s’, s’’, m’, m’'.
Glyph
NAME
NE IBERIAN VOWEL É
NE IBERIAN VOWEL E
NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN KA
NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN GA
NE IBERIAN SIGN M’’
9 NE IBERIAN SONANT N
NE IBERIAN VALUE MARK 1/4
NEIBERIAN WORD SEPARATOR
8. Unicode character properties (UnicodeData.txt)
The General_Category property is established at LO (Lowercase, Other) for the
characters, NO (Numbers, Oher) for the numerals and ZS (Separator, Space) for the word
separator.
The Canonical_Combining_Class is established at 0 (Not_Reordered) for all elements,
since the provided characters cannot be combined.
The property Bidi_class is established at L (Left to Rigth) for all elements, since this is
the natural direction of writing for the provided glyphs. The property Bidi_mirrored is
established at N (No) for all elements, since this situation never occurs in Iberian.
For the two numerals that represent fractions ½ and ¼ their respective values are
indicated in the third field of the Numeric_Value property, since they are fractions. For the two
numerical elements whose value is still unknown no value is indicated.
The Simple_Uppercase_Mapping and Simple_Lowercase_Mapping properties are left
blank, since the distinction between uppercase and lowercase letters does not exist in Iberian.
000105C0;NE IBERIAN VOWEL Á;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105C1;NE IBERIAN VOWEL A;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105C2;NE IBERIAN VOWEL É;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105C3;NE IBERIAN VOWEL E;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105C4;NE IBERIAN VOWEL Í;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105C5;NE IBERIAN VOWEL I;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105C6;NE IBERIAN VOWEL Ó;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105C7;NE IBERIAN VOWEL O;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105C8;NE IBERIAN VOWEL Ú;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105C9;NE IBERIAN VOWEL U;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105CA;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN BA;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105CB;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN BE;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105CC;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN BI;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105CD;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN BO;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105CE;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN BU;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105CF;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN KA;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105D0;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN GA;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105D1;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN KE;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105D2;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN GE;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105D3;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN KI;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105D4;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN GI;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105D5;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN KO;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
10 000105D6;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN GO;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105D7;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN KU;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105D8;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN GU;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105D9;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN TA;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105DA;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN DA;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105DB;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN TE;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105DC;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN DE;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105DD;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN TI;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105DE;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN DI;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105DF;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN TO;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E0;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN DO;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E1;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN TU;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E2;NE IBERIAN SYLLABYC SIGN DU;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E3;NE IBERIAN SONANT L;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E4;NEIBERIANSIGN A’’;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E5;NE IBERIAN SONANT M;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E6;NE IBERIAN SONANT N;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E7;NEIBERIANSIGN M’;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E8;NEIBERIANSIGN M’’;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105E9;NE IBERIAN SONANT R;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105EA;NE IBERIAN SONANT R’’;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105EB;NE IBERIAN SONANT R’;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105EC;NE IBERIAN SONANT S’’;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105ED;NE IBERIAN SONANT S;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105EE; Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105EF;NE IBERIAN SONANT S’;LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F0; NE IBERIAN SIGN S87; LO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F1;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F2;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F3;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F4;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F5;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F6;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F7;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F8;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105F9;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105FA;Reserved;;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11 000105FB;NE IBERIAN NUMERAL L;NO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105FF;NE IBERIAN NUMERAL P;NO;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
000105FD;NE IBERIAN VALUE MARK 1/4;NO;0;L;;;;1/4;N;;;;;
000105FE;NE IBERIAN VALUE MARK 1/2;NO;0;L;;;;1/2;N;;;;;
000105FF;NE IBERIAN WORD SEPARATOR;ZS;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
12 9. Bibliography
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Ramis”, Excavacions arqueològiques a la muntanya de Sant Julià de Ramis 4, 203-217.
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Granjuela al plomo de La Bastida”. E.L.E.A. 11, 99-130.
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FERRER I JANÉ, J. (e.p. 2014a): “Las dualidades secundarias de la escritura ibérica
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Filología Española, Tomo IX, 342-366.
GÓMEZ-MORENO, M. (1949): Misceláneas, Historia, Arte, Arqueología, Madrid 1949.
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sonoridad en ibérico”, Symbolae Ludouico Mitxelena septuagenario oblatae, 443-453.
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13 HOZ, J. DE (2010): Historia lingüística de la Península Ibérica en la antigüedad.
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ORDUÑA, E., (2006): Segmentación de textos ibéricos y distribución de los segmentos,
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RODRÍGUEZ RAMOS, J. (2004): Análisis de epigrafía íbera, Anejos de Veleia, Series Minor
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SILGO, L. (1994): Léxico ibérico, Valencia.
SIMON, I. (2011): “Interpunctiones palaeohispanicae”, Epigraphica LXXIII, 1-2, 87-108.
14 TOVAR, A. (1951): Léxico de las inscripciones ibéricas, Madrid.
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15 10.- Images.
Fig 1.-Castellet de Bernabé's abecedary (Extended dual script).
Fig 2.- Tos Pelat's abecedary (F.13.77*) (Extended dual script). Above, detail of dualities for
vowels and trill.
16 Fig 3.-Bolvir's abecedary (Standard dual script).
17 Fig 4.-Ger's abecedary (Standard dual script).
18 Fig 5.-La Tor de Querol's abecedary (Standard dual script).
Fig. 6.-Simplified abecedaries from Can Rodon (Non-dual script).
19 Fig. 7.-Esquirol's abecedary (Non-dual script).
Fig. 8.- A possible non-dual abecedary.
Fig. 9.-A possible dual standard abecedary.
20 Fig. 10.- A possible dual extended abecedary.
Fig 11.- Lead sheet from Ullastret (C.2.4) (dual script).
Fig 12.- Lead sheet from La Balaguera (F.17.*) (dual script).
21 Fig 13.- Lead sheet from Castellet de Bernabé (F.13.75*). Extended dual abecedary with
explicit duality for ŕ.
Fig 14.-Stone plaque from Empúries (non-dual script).
22 Fig 15.- Stele from Vispesa.
Fig 16.- Bronze coin from undikesken (non-dual script), with mark of value: e= (1/2)
23 Fig 17.-Bronze coin from undikesken (non-dual script), with mark of value: e- (1/4)
Fig 18.- Ceramic vase from Terrassa with name talskubilos (non-dual script).
24 Fig 19.- Spindle-whorl from Gebut (non-dual script, right to left).
Fig 20.-Painted inscription in a ceramic vase from Llíria (F.13.5) (Extended dual script).
25 Fig 21.- Stamps on dolium from Pech Maho (B.7.32) (Standard dual script).
Fig 22.- Vase from Joncosa (D.18.1*) (non-dual script).
26 Fig. 23.- Palaeohispanic scripts.
27