Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958), named FirozBakht at birth
but known in his y�uth as Muhiyi'tddin Ahmad and later adopted the
pseudonym of 'Abu! Kalam Azad'; descended from a family which
came from Herat to India in Babar's time; among his ancestors were
well-known scholars, divines and administrators.·Born in Meeca,
where his father Maulana Khairuddin had migrated after the 1857
Revolt; came as an infan'110 Calcuua in 1890 and the family reseuled
here. Educated at home by his· father and by private tutors; his
political awakening was expedited by the partition (later annulled) of
Bengal in 1905; travelled in Iraq, Egypt, Turkey and France and had
planned to visit London but returned home in 1908 on accoun11of
father's illness.
Started the Urdu weekly Al Hila/ at C.alcutta in July 1912; oppmed
the Aligarh line of remaining aloof from the freedom movement;
with the outbreak of war in Europe in 1914, the journal was bannt:'
under the Press Act. Started another Urdu weekly Al Balagh, also
from C.akutta, in November 1915; this ran till March 1916 wqen Azad
was exlerned under Defence of India Regulations. 'Ibegovcrnments
of Bombay, Punjab, Delhi and United Provillceshaving already
banned his entry, he went to Bihar; \\'as interned in Ranchi until Isl
Ҋ‫ם‬ఀྀ‫מ‬ൌတၘ 1920.
Afrrr release, was elected President, All India Khilafat Commiuee Ǖ‫כ‬༜ၘ
the Calcutta session, 1920); also of the Unity Conkrrnce at Delhi,
1921; presided over Nationalist Muslims Conference, 1928. President
of the Indian Nariopal Congress in 1923, again in 1910; continued to
hold this office urnil 1946; led negotiations with theBritish Cabinet
Mission during 19·16. Joined free Ѱ௿۪ਨ‫ל‬Ǎฃၘ first Union Cabinet
Minister ࡵോၘ Education; remained at this ಽಙข༝ၘ until his ۩်ဲƦ̌ऱၘ on 22
February 1958.
Among his other published works are Al-Bll)•a11 (C.ommc111ary; 1915-
16), Tllzkimh (autobiography; 1916), ӭ૤૥്ੈƌ୔‫ן‬ఁȯƌૣȰӒཱྀ൨̍̎Ƞၘ 2 \'ols.
(Commentary; 1933, 1936), Gliubar-i-Khalir (kuers; 1943), all in
Humayun Kabir
Calcutta and
ǔʲȬ̋ǛΉၘ After distinguished academic career at
Oxford -Universities, served as Lecturer, Calcutta
ȭ̺ίၘ elected to Bengal Legislative Omncil as leader of
5tၘ Educational Adviser to Govt. of India upto
̓ΰၘ elected to Parliament as Congress Party member 5tၘ
Appointed Minister for Civil Aviation, 5Ȯ7αၘ for Scientific
Research lၘ Cultural Affairs, 7o
βၘ for Petroleum lၘ Chemicals,
o7ʞၘ Author of more than twenty books in English and Bengali
Peasants Pany,
literature, . politics
published two novels and three volumes of verse.
ɦΖ ˳ˣAƂAǚʪ&ʃDZƍ&ɂΖ ń'DD'ˤ˹ƾΖ
L¤‡m‘°Ą H—}ŠaĄ
ၘ Orient Longman Limited
țၘ May ၘ
December ʱȜၘ August ‚ၘ
Reissued in paperback July ၘ
September ~ȝၘJune Ȟၘ October ၘ
First published January
Reprinted February
(Sangam Books edition with new material, July 1978)
Reprinted ̉Œ̹ʝၘ ̊Œ͎ၘ Hķ ̇ͬ‹‹ၘ
ISBN 0 86131 003
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Л৛Ĕ࡜Ԯൃ %"% ܏ȍଐĻĻĔੑ्ൃ
It was during this period that I had an occasion to go out of India
and tour in Iraq, Egypt, Syria and Turkey.
I found great interest in French.
In all these countries
I also acquired a taste for the
language and started to learn it, but I found that English was fast
becoming the most widely spread international language and met
most of my needs.
I would like to take this opportunity Lo correct
been .given currency by the late l'vfahadev Desai.
mistake that has
·when he wrote
my biography, he put clown a number of questions and asked n1e
to answer them.
In reply to one question I had said that when I was
about twenty I made a tour of the 1\Jiddle East and spent a long time
in Egypt.
In reply to another question I had said that traditional
education was unsatisfactory and sterile not only in India, but also
in the famous university of al Azhar in Cairo.
Somehow Mahadev
Desai came to the conclusion that I had gone to Egypt to study in al
Azhar. The truth is that I was not a student there for a single day.
Perhaps his mistake arose out of his idea that if a man has acquired
some learning, he must have gone to some university. vVhen Mahadev
Desai found that I had been to. no Indian University, he inferred
that I must have taken a degree from al Azhar.
vVhen I visited Cairo in
› ‹Ȗõˆௐ the
system in al Azhar was so defec­
tive that it neither trained the mind nor gave adequate knowledge of
ancient Islamic science and philosophy. Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah
had tried to reform the system, but the old conservative ulalllfls
d��eated all his efforts.
When he lost all hopes of improving al Azhar
he· started a new College, Darul-Uloom, in Cairo which exists to this
Since this was the state of affairs in al Azhar, there was no
reason why I should go to study there.
From Egypt I went to Turkey and France and had intended to go
to London. I could not do so, as I received news that my father was
ill. I returned from Paris and did not see London till many years later.
I have already said that my political ideas had turned towards
revolutionary activities before I left Calcutta in
› ‹Ȗõ=ௐ
W'hen I came
to Iraq, I met some of the Iranian revolutionaries. In Egypt I came
into contact with the followers of Mustafa Kamil Pasha. I also met
a group of young Turks who had established a centre in Cairo and
were publishing a weekly from there.
When I went to Turkey I
became friends with some of the leaders of the Young Turk move­
ment. I kept up my correspondence with them for many yeaTs after
/‫ێ‬మ౰/xൃ to
Publication of Al Hilal
Contact with these Arab and Turk reYolutionaries confirmed my
political beliefs. They expressed their surprise that Indian Musal- .
mans were either indifferent to or against nationalist demands. They
were of the view that Indian Muslims should have led the national
struggle for freedom, and could not understand why Indian Musal­
mans were mere camp-followers of the British. I was more convinced
than ever that Indian Muslims must co-operate in the work of politi­
cal liberation of the country. S teps must be taken to ensure that they
were not exploited by the British Government. Ѫၘ felt it necessary to
c;reate a new movement among Indian Muslims and decided that
o n my return to India, I would take up political "\Vork with greater
After my return, I thought for some time abou t my future program­
me of action. I came to the conclusion that we must build up public
opinion and for this ԫൃ journal was essential. There were a number of
dailies, weeklies, and monthlies published in Urdu from the Punjab
and the U.P. b u t their standard was not very high. Their get-up
and printing were as poor as their contents. They were produced
by the l ithognphic process and could not therefore embody any of
the features of modern journalism. Nor were they able to print half­
tone pictm'.es. I decided that my journal should be attractive in get-up
and powerful in i ts appeal. It must be set up in type and not reproduc­
ed by the l ithographic process. Accordiilgly I established the Al Hilal
Press and the first number of the journal Al Hilal was published in
June 1912.
The publication of Al Bilal marks a turning point in the history
of Urdu journalism. I t achieved unprecedented popularity within a
short time. The Public was attracted not only by the superior print··
ing and production of the paper but even more by the new note of
strong nationalism preached by it. Al Hilal created a rernlutionary
stir among the masses. The demand for Al Hilal was so great that
within the first three months, all the old issues had to be reprin ted
as every new subscriber wanted the entire set.
The leadership of Muslim politics at this time was in the hands of
the Aligarh party. Its members regarded themselves as the trustees
of Sir Syed Ahmed's policies.
Their basic tenet was that Musal­
mans must be loyal to the British Crown and remain aloof from the
freedom movement. When Al Hila! raised a different slogan and i ts
popularity and circulation increased fast, they felt that their leader­
ship was threatened.
They therefore began to oppose Al Hilal and
d_ǵ ƌ
ǵ Freedom
even went to the extent of threatening to kill i ts editor. The more
the old leadership opposed, the more popular
the community. 'Within two years,
2 ǵlUƘœǵ became with
2ǵl½ƍǵ reached a circulation of
§ĆuÌÌÌௐ copies per week, a figure which was till then unheard of i n
Urdu journalism.
The Government was also disturbed by this success of
It demanded a security of Rs
2 ǵlUgǵ
§uÌÌÌௐ unde1· the Press Act and thought
this might curb i ts tone. I did not allow myself to be daunted by
these pin-pricks. Soon the Government forfei ted the deposit and
demanded a fresh deposit of Rs › ÌäÌÌÌ=ௐ This also was soon lost. I n
the meantime war had broken o u t in
› ‹ › ò ௐ and the 2 ǵlUǵ Press.
was confiscated in › ‹›ĺ=ௐ After five months, I started ˖ new Press
called 2 ǵH-Tǵ and brought out a journal under the same name.
The Government now felt that they could no t stop my activities by
using only the Press Act. Accordingly they resorted to the Defence
of India Regulations and in April ›‹›Ćௐ externed me from Calcutta.
The Governments of Punjab, Delhi, U .P. and Bombay had already
prohibited me from entering these provinces under the same Regula­
The only place I cot1ld go to was Bihar and I went to Ranchi.
After another six months, Кൃwas interned in Ranchi and remained i n
detention till
ŝ › ௐ December ϰ‹›‹Dௐ On I January › ‹§Ìௐ I was, along
with other i nternees and prisoners, released from internment under
the King's declaration.
Gandhiji had by this time appeared on the Indian political scene.
\\Then I was an i nternee at Ranchi, fie came there in connexion
wi th his work among the peasants in Champaran. He expressed ½ၘ
wish to meet me but the Bihar Government did not give him the
necessary permission. It was therefore only after my release in
J anuary › ‹§Ìௐ that I m e t him for the first time in Delhi. There was
a proposal to send Ž˖ deputation to the Viceroy to acquaint him with
the feelings of Indian Muslims regarding the Khilafat and Turkey's
fl\ture: Gandhiji participated in the discussions and expressed his
complete sympathy and in terest in the proposal. He declared him­
self ready to be associated with the Muslims on this issue. On §Ìௐ
› ‹§Ìˆௐ a meeting was held in Delhi. Apart from Gandhiji,·
Lokmanya Tilak and other Congress leaders also supported the stand
Őìၘ Indian Muslims on the question of the Khilafat.
The deputation m e t the Viceroy.
I had signed the memorial but
_did not go with the deputation as I waG of the view that matters had
gone beyond memorials and deputations. In his reply, భަ‫ ൃی‬ҁ࡙ֈ‫ۍ‬ଏ੏ೱൃ
Gandhiji's Programme
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ǵ Freedom
After a few weeks, a Khilafat Conference was held at Meerut.
It was in this conference that Gandhiji preached for the first time
the non-co-operation programme from a public platform. After he
had spoken, h੯ followed him and gave him my unqualified support.
InSeptember 1920, a special session of theCongress was held at
Calcutta to consider the programme for action prepared byGandhiji.
Gandhiji said that the programme of non-co-operation was necessary
if we wished to achieveSwaraj and solve the Khilafat problem in a
satisfactory manner. LalaLap
j atRai was thePresident of this session
andMrC.R. Das one of its leading figures. Neither of them agreed
with Gandhiji. Bipin Chandra Pal also spoke forcefully and said
that the b�st weapon to fight the BritishGovernment was toboycott
British goods. He did not have much faith in the other items of
Gandhiji's programme. In spite of their opposition,
the resolution
for the non-co-operation movement was passed with an overwhelm­
ing majority.
Therefollowed a period of intensive touring to prepare the country
for the non-co-operation programme. Gandhiji travelled extensively.
I was with him most of the time and Mohammed Ali andShaukat
Ali were often our companions. In December 1920, the annual
session of theCongress was heldinNagpur. By this time, the temper
of the country had changed. MrC.R. Das now openly favoured the
non-co-operation programme. LalaLajpatRaiwas at first somewhat
opposed but when he found that the Punjab delegates were all
supporting Gandhjii he also joined our ranks. It was during this
session thatMrJinnah finally left theCongress.
The Government retaliated by arresting leaders throughout the
InBengal, Mr C. R. Das and I were among the first to
be arrested. Subhas Chandra Bose and Birendra NathSasmal also
joined us in prison. We were all placed in theEuropean ward of the
Alipur CentralJail which became a centrefor political discussions.
MrC.R. Das was sentenced to six months' imprisonment. I was
held under trial for a long time and finally a"lvarded one year's
imprisonment. I was in fact not released till1January1923. MrC.
R. Das was released earlier and presided over the Congress at its
Gaya session. During this session, sharp differences of opinion appear­
ed among theCongress leaders. C.R. Das, MotilalNehru andHakim
Ajmal Khan formed the Swaraj Party and presented the Council
entry programme which was opposed by the orthodox followers
Congress was thus divided between no-changers and-
The Salt Satyagraha
pro-changers. When I came out, I tried to bring about a reconcilia­
tion between the two groups and we were able to reach an agreement
f theCongress inSeptember 1923. I was then
in the special sessio� o
thirty-five and asked\to preside over this session.
It was said that I
was the youngestman· to be electedPresident oftheCongress.
After 1923, Congress activities remained mainly in the hands o
theSwaraj party. It obtained large majorities in almost all legisla­
tures and carried thefight on the parliamentaryfront. Congressmen
who remained outside the Swaraj party continued
with their con­
structive programme but they could not attract as much public
support or attention as theSwaraj party. There were many incidents
which have a bearing on thefuture development of Indian politics
but I must ask the reader to waitfor afuller account till the first
volume of my autobiography is published.
In 1928, political excitement tnounted with the appointment o
theSimonCommission and its visit to India.
In1929, Congresspass­
ed the Independence resolution and gave theBritishGovernment one
year's notice of its intention to launch a mass movement f
i the nation­
al demand was notfulfilled. TheBritish refusedto comply with our
demand, and in 1930, Congress declared that Salt laws would be
Many people were sceptical when the Salt Satyagraha
began but as the movement gathered strength both theGovernment
and the people were taken by surprise. TheGovernment took strong
action and declared the Congress an unlaw
ful organization. It
ordered the ah-est of theCongressPresident and hisWorking Com­
mittee. We met the challenge by authorizing eachCongressPresident
to nominate the successor.
I was elected one of thePresidents and
nominated myWorkingCommittee. Before I was arrested, I nomi­
natedDrAnsari as my successor. Atfirst he was not willing to join
the movement but I was able to persuade him.
In this way, we
were able to baffle theGovernment and keepthe movementgoing.
My arrest was on the basis of a speech I had delivered inMeerut.
fore detained in the Meerutjailfor about a year and a
I wa:s there
After the struggle had continued over a year, Lord Irwin released
Gandhiji and the other members of theWorking Committee. We
met first atAllahabad and then atDelhi and theGandhi-IrwinPact·
was signed. This led to a general release of Congressmen and the
participation ofCongress in theRoundTableCon
ference. Gandhiji
was sent as our sole representative but the negotiations proved
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the first elections held in accordance with the
of India Act,
› ‹ϸĺĘ the Congress won an O\;erwhel111 ing vietory.
I t secured an absolute majority in five of the major proYinces and
was the largest single party in four. It was only in the Punjab and
Sind that the Congress did not achieve comparable siiccess.
This victory of' the Congress has io be judged ag<rinst the Cqn­
gtess's early reluetance to contest the elections at all. The Govern,.-­
ment of India Act,
ϱ‹ŝĺௐ provided for pro\'incial autonomy b1fr there
was a fly in the ointmen�. Special powernvet·ereserved to the G<�>Yer­
nors to declare . a state of emergency, and' 011.ce a Governor did so,
lie could suspend the constitutio1i. and assume ΐáâăΖpo"'ers to himself.
Democracy .in the provinces could therefore furi� tion ·only so lo11g
as the Governors permitted·� t. The position was even worse- so fat
as the CenfraL Government was concerned. Here there was an
attempt to re-introduce the principle of diarchy which ' had' already been discredited in the. provinces. N o t on,ly was the Central Govern,
ment to be a we·ak . federation but it was also overweighted in favour
of the princes and o ther yested interests. These could generally . be
expected to side with the British rulers of the country.
I t was therefore not · surprising that the Congress whi_ch was
fighting for complete i ndepende nce of the coun try ";as ave'rse to
accepting this arrangement. The Congress cortdenrned outright the
type of federatimi. proposed .for the Central Government. . For a long
time, the Congress vVorking Committee was also against the scheme
proposed for the prO\:inces. It had a s trong secti . o n which was oppos�d
even to participating in the elections. My views were quite differ­
I held that i t w6uld be a mistake .to boycott the elections. If
e n t.
the Congress did so; less desirable elemeri ts would capture the
central and prO\·indal Le islatures and speak in the name
Indian people.
Beside�, the election ca.mpaign offered
opportun i ty for educating the masses in the basic issues of Indian
India H'ins Freedom
politics. Ul timately the point of view I represented prevailed, and
the Congress participated in the elections with results which I have
already indicated.
New differences were now revealed wi thin the leadership of the
A section of those 11·ho had participated in the elections
opposed assumption of office by Con gress nominees. They argued
that, wiLh special powers resen·ed to the Governors, provincial
autonomy was a · mockery.
M inisLries would hold office at Lhe
Governor's ple<isure.
If Congress wished Lo carry out iLs election
p ledges, a clash with the GoYernor was inevitable. They argued tha t ·
Congress should therefore try to wreck t h e constitu tion from 11· i thin
the Legislature. On this issue also ൃ held the opposite view and argued
that the powers given to the ProYincial Go\'ernmenls should be
exercised to the full. If a clash with the Governor arose, i t should be
faced as and when occasion demanded.
·without actual exercise
of power, the programme of the Congress could not be carried out.
If, on the other hand, Congress l\Iinistries had to go ou t on a popular
issue, it would only s trengthen the hold of the Congress on the popu­
lar imagination.
The Governors did not wait for the conclusion of this debate.
\\Then they found that Congress was hesitating to form the M inistry,
they sent for the parties which had the second largest support in th�
Legislature, even though they did not command a majority. These
interim M inistries were formed by non-Congress and, in some cases,
anti-Congress elements. Congress indecision about acceptance of
office not only indicated divisions of opinion within its ranks, but
what is worse it allowed reactionary forces an opportun i ty to get
over the shock of the defeat in the General Elections and retrieve lost
grou,n d.
During the prolonged negotiations with the Viceroy, an
attempt was made to wrest an assurance that the Gowrnors would
not interfere with the work of the Ministries. After the Viceroy
· clarified the position, some members of the ·working Committee
changed their opinion i n favour of acceptance of office. Congress
ha'd however spoken so strongly and insistently against the Govern­
ment of India Act that in spite of growing recognition of the need
to change �he policy, nobody dared to suggest i t openly.
was President of the Congress at the time. He had expressed himself
in such_ categorical terms against the acceptance of office that it was
difficult for him _to propose acceptance now: v\Then the Working Com­
mittee met at Wardha, I found
strange reluctance to face facts. I
ϭಕĽ ࢙ െæ**ၘ Ѐ‫௺ד‬Ľၘ Ҩਝ௻ ਞ*༔േਟæ*ၘ
therefore proposed i n clear terms that Congress should accept office.
After some discussion Gandhij i supported my view and Congress
decided to form Ministries in the provinces. This was a historic deci­
sion, for till now Congress had followed only a negati \'e policy and
refused to. undertake the responsibility of office. Now · for. the first
time, Congress adopted a positi\'e attitude towards administration
and agreed to take up the burden of GoYen1ment.
One incident happened a t the time which left
bad impression
abou t the atti tude of the Provincial Congress Committees.
Congress had grown as =ၘ national organization and gi,·en the oppor:
tun i ty of leadership to men of different commu n i ties. In Bombay,
Mr Nariman was the acknowledged leader of the local Congress.
'\Vhen the question of forming the proYincial GoYernment arose,
-there was general expectation that Mr Nari man would be asked to
lead i t in view of his status and record. This was not howeYer done.
Sarclar Patel and his colleagues did not like Nariman and the result
was that Mr B. G. Kher became the first Chief Minister of Bombay.
Since Nariman was a Parsec and Kher a H i ndu, this led . to wide
speculation that Nariman had been by-passed o n communal grounds.
Even if it is not true, i t is difficult to disprove such an allegation.
Mr Nariman was naturally upset about this decision.
H e raised
the question before the Congress Working Committee . .Jawaharlal
was still President and many hoped that in view of his freedom from
communal b ias, he would rectify the injustice to Nariman.
tunately, this did not happen . .Jawaharlal did not agree w i th Sardar
f.ltel i n many thi ngs but· he did not also think that Sardar Patel
'.>ould take a decision on communal considerations alone. He reacted
s.omdvhat unfarnurably and rejected Nariman's appeal.
Nariman was surprised at .Jawaharlal's a ttitude. He then ap­
proached Gandhij i and said that he would place his case in Gandhij i's
Gandhij i listened patiently and directed that the charge
against Sardar Patel should be investigated by a neu tral person.
Since Nariman was himself a Parsee, Sardar Patel 'arid his friends
suggested that =ၘ Parsec should be entrusted w ith the ei1quiry. They
hacl planned their move carefully and prepared the case in a way
which clouded the issues. I n addition, they exercised their influence
in various ways so that poor Nariman had los t the case even before
the enquiry began. It was in any case very difficult to establish
positively that N ariman had been overlooked only because he was a
I t was therefore held that nothing was proved · against
_ǵ á
ǵ kǵ
r dar P atel . Poor Nar i man was hear t-br ok en and hi s p ub il c ilf e
cameʶଢ଼ԩ৖ൃ end.
AsIr e
fl ect
" on the re atment me et d out toп଍ൃ Nari man, my mi nd
g oes b ack
to. Mr C.
. D as, one o
f the most powerf ul. pe
r sonali ti es
on-Co� oper ati on Mov ement. Mr Das occupi es
. thr own up b y the
av ery speci al positi on i n the hi story of out nati onal str ugg le. He
\1r asԨൃ man of gTe atvi si on and br eadth of im agi nati on. At the same
tirri e he hada pra cti� al mi nd whi ch look ed atev e
ry q uesti onfr om the
poi nt of vi ew o
f ar eal.i st. He had the co
1u- a
g eo
f hi s con
vi cti ons and
stood upf�arl es lsy f or any posi it on her e
g ar ded asb ei n
g rig ht. W hen
.Gandh ij i plac edt he non-co• o
ra: it on p
r ogr amm eb ef or e the countr y,
ҧŠή ϳ‫ב‬෿ၘ h ad atfirs t o
d i t'i n the pec
s i al e
s ssi on hel d at Ca
l c utta
i n 1 920. Ay ear later, ,i, hen the Con
gr ess met atNag pur, he joi ned
. ou
r rank s a nd th e ·pr o
gr amme· of
c co -oper ati on wa s launche d.
asha d aprinc ely pr ac ti ce at theC aiqi ttaBar and was one o
th e mos t us.c;c es fso l law y er s i n t he count
ry. He was also noted f or
hi sf ondnessf or l uxu
r y� b u
t heg av e it p his pr acti ce wi thout a mo­
' s hesit ati on
, . don ned k haddai· an d h
t r ew hi mself whol e-hear ted­
l int o. theC ongr essm ov em ent. Iw asgr eatly i m
pr essedଢ଼ hi m.
Asѩၘ haYc sai d, M
r Das had ‫ ၘא‬pr actic al b ent of mi nd. He look ed at
_ il tica lq uesti onsfr om the poi nt o
f vi ew of what wasb oth desir a
bl e
an d. p
r actic a
b le.
He hel d th
a t if Indi a was to wi n he!· fr eedom
_ thr ough neg oti ati ons; we mustbe pr epar ed to achiev ei t stepb y ste
t e method
I ndep e nde nc e co1il d not come i ll of a sudden wher e h
f oHmif e
d ,\• as that o
f di scussimi and persuasi on. He pr edi cted that
' thefir st˃ʩƽʂΖ wmi ldbe the achi e
v em ent o
f Pr ovi nci al Autonomy. He
W asS atisfi ed that the exer ci seOf eY e
n J i mi ted power would ad
v ance
the · cause Of Indi a's fr eedom an d pr epar e Indi ans f or
under taki ng
larg er re spo nsibi il ti es as andw hen they wer ew on. It is
@NjΖ Mr
r e
Das' sf or esigh t andvi si on that i t was on these il nes that the
G ov er nme{n of India: Ac t, 193
5 w as passed almost tenye ars af ter hi s
d eath.
In 192 1 , the then Pri nce Of Wale s ca� e to I ndi a i n conne xi on·
wi th the i nau
g ur ation of the M ontag u-Chelm fs o
r d scheme of r e­
f or ms. T heCongr essh ad deci ded tob oy cott all r ece
pit ons org ani zed
. to wel come
ri nce. T hi spl ac ed theG o
v er nment o
f In dia i n a
q uan dary . T h
e V i ƣel oଢ଼ had assur ed theBri it shG ov er nment੅ଢ଼ the
Pri nce wou
l d r eceiv e a war m wel come in xଢ଼ lଢ଼ . W hen he
le a
r nt of h
t e Co ngr ess deci sio n, he took ev er y possib le measur e – o
٧‫ڻ‬٨ଢ଼ƿଢ଼͘ଢ଼ ѷި_ൃ ϴ
did z੕–ൃ u
s c e ed i ni ts ai ms Ԫৗ‫ൃ׷‬
HƽÖ ïǵ7ǵ Tǵ "f
ǵ Ŭǵ >³Ɨǵ
the Prince of W al es was
coldly receiv ed i n almos t e
v ery tow n he
Y si itc d. His la
s t haltw as inCalcuttaw hichw as then the mos t im
p ort
ant city ofIndia, T he ca
p i tal hads hifted toDelhi b ut theV iceroy
sp ent
ev ery Chris tmas i n Calcutta. A sp ecial
function had b een
organ!z ed in the city and thePrince of"V ale
s w as to op en theV ictoria
l Hal l.. E lab orate arrangements w ere therefore made for his
r ece
p tion and theGo
v ernm entsp ared no eff ort to ma ke his v si it to
C alcutta as uccess .
\\Tc w ere the n al l detained in the Alip orc Central Jail.
P andi t
:\I ad anl\f oha nM
al aY iyawas trying to arrange as ettl� mentb etw een
the Congress an d the Gov ern
m ent. He m et theV iceroy and came
b ackw ith the m
i p re
s s ion thati f w e agreed not tob oycott thePrince
of\V ales inCalcu t at ,
the Go\'ernmentw ould com e to a s ettlem ent
": ith the'Congress. PanditMadanMohanl\f alav iya came o
t Al p
i ore
J ail to dis cuss thep rop os al w ith MrD as and me. T heb asis of the
, p rop o
s al w as thatRound T ab le Conference s hould b e cal led to
se ttle theq ue
s ti on of India s' p oli ticalf uture. W e di d not gi\'e afi nal
r ep ly toPandi tMal av iya a
s w ew anted to dis cuss theq ues tion among
oursdYcs . Both Mr D as
and I came to the conclus ion tha t it w as
ourb oy cott of thePrince of'V ales w hich had comp elled theGo
v e rn­
ment ofIndia tos eek as ettlement. \V es hould take ad\' anta ge of the
s ituation and meet in aRoundTa
b le C onfer
e nce.
Itw as clea r to
us that this w ould not lead to our goal b utn one the el ss itw ould
mark a greats tep forw ar d ni ourp oli ticals truggle. Al l theCongress
leaders excep t Gandhiji w ere then· in jail. W e p rop o
s ed tha t w e
s houl d accep t theBritis h off erb ut at thes ame timew e laid it dow n
as a condition that allCongress leaders mus tb e releas edb efore the
RoundTab leConferencew as held.
\V hen next dayPandit Malaviya came tos eeus again, w e inf
o rm­
ed him of ourv ie
w s . W e als o toldh im that hes hould meetGandhi ji
ands ecure his cons ent. PanditMa: la
v iya rep ortedb ack to theV iceroy
and after w
t o days Y si i ted us again in the jail, He s aid that the
G ov ernm ent ofIn
d iaw erew illing to release all thep olitica l leaders
w ho w ere to take p art in the dis cuss ion
s . This included the Ali
br others and many otherCo ngress leaders . As tatementw as p rep ar­
edb y us inw hichw e p ut do
w n ourv ie
w s in clear terms . Pandit
Ma: la
v i ya took the docum ent andwe nt toBomb ay to meetGandhiji .
TΖ T o ours urp ris e and regret, Gandhij i di d no t accep t ours ugges­
tion- . He ins si ted that all the p olitical leader
s , p articularly theAli
b o
r the rs,
s t fi rst b e releas ed unconditionally . He de clared tha t
ºǵ ǵ kºeƫǵ
we c ouldc onsi de r the p ropos al for aRoundTa ble
only afte r th
e y
ha d bbe n re e
l a
s e d. BothM rD as and I e
f lt that this demandw as a
mis take . Whe n th
e Gov
e rnme nt ha d agree d tha t theC ongress e
l ad­
e r
s w ould be re el ase d be fore h
t e RoundTa ble, the re was no poi nt
i ns uc hs peci al i n
sis e
t n
ce . Pa ndi tMala
v i ya wenta gai n to G
a ndhi ji
wi th ourc omme nts but he di d notagree. Ӭबåၘ res ultw as t h
a t th
Vice roy dr oppe d his propos al. His mai np urpose i n ma ki ng the offer
ha d bee n to a
v oi d a boyc ott of the P ri n
ce of Vl'a e
l s i n Calc utta.
S i nce nose ttle me ntw as made , the boyc ott was a gre at s u
ccess but
we ha d misse d a golden opportuni ty for a poli itca lse ttle ment. Mr
Das made nosec e
r t of his disa pprova la nd dis appoi ntm e nt.
Ga ndhiji the nc alle d a C on e
f re n
ce i n Bombay wi thC . S ankaran
Nai r a
s the C hairm an. In this C onfe re nce, Gandhi ij hi m
se lf made a
proposa l for aRoundT able C onfe re nce . His et rms we re almos t the
sa me as
br ou ght ea rlier by P andi t Malav i ya . T he P ri n
\Va e
l s hadi n th
e me anti me el ftIndi a and the Gove rn
me nt ha d no
e r i nt
e r
es t i n th
e propos al. T h
e y pai d no att
enti onw hate ve r
toGa ndhi ij's s ugges it on and r
jec e
t di t outri ght. l\f rDas w as furi ous
andsai d tha tGandhij i hadc ommi tt
e d a greatmis take . I c ould not
butaccept his j udgm
ent as c orre ct
Ga n
d hi ij the nwe [email protected]=Ζ tos u
s pe nd the non-c o- ope r
a it on mo
v e me nt
on acc ount of th
e C houri C houra i n
ci d
poli tic al reac ti on i n poli tic al ci r
c el s
T he Gove rnm
e nt took f ull advantage
Gandhij i.
T his ca use d a se ve re
and de moralize d th
e c ountry.
of th
e si tuati on and arres e
t d
He w as se nte nce d to si x yea sr' i m pris onme nt and th
non-c o, ope rati on mov
e m
e nt s lo
w l y pe e
t re d out.
MrC. R. Da
s use d to disc uss the si tuati on wi th me
al mos te ve ry
da y. He was c onvi n
ce d th
a tGandhi ij had e rre d griev ou
s lyi nca lli ng
ff the move me nt. This hads o de moralize d poli itca l w orke rs
i t w oul d a
t ke
ye ars
rouse d. Besi des , Mr D as
had a
f ile d. He
the re fore
be fore
public e nth usi a
s m c ould agai n
he ld that Gan dhi ij's
thought that we
di rec t me thods
mus t adopt oth
e r w ays
to res tore public morale . He w as noti n fav our ofw ai itn g andw atc h­
i ng it ll the si tuati on ag
ai nim prove d. He be lieve d i n an alte rnative
progra mme a nds ai d thati n the e xis itn gsi tuati on, di rec t ac it on mus t
e poli itc alfi ght take ni n
si de the e
l gis latur
es . U nder
be give n up and th
Ga ndh ij i's i nfl ue n
ce , the C ongress had boyc otte d the elec it ons he ld
i n _l 92 1 . Mr Das
dec lare d that C on gress
the le gis lature s i n19
24 and use
m us t pre pare
to c aptur
the m to furthe r our poli itca l e nds.
Mr Das w as hope ful h
t at all ac it ve
l ade rs
of the C ongress w ould
Internal Dissensions i11 Congres�·
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India Wins Ќ‫׻ېۏ‬੒ॎൃ
results. If now some among us felt tha t we must carry the fight into
the legislatures, there was no reason why we should stick rigidly to
our earlier decision. So long as the objective was the sanie, each
group should be free to follow the programme which is considered
The decision of the Delhi Congress was as I had anticipated. I t
was agreed that pro-changers and no-changers should be free to
pursue their own programmes. Dr Rajendra Prasad, Shri Raja­
gopalachari and their associates took up the constructive programme.
Mr C. R. Das, Pandit Motilal and Hakim J-\ jmal Khan founded the
Swaraj Party and decided to contest the elections. Their move creat­
ed great enthusiasm throughout the country. ૞ਛ˼ၘ the central as well
as i n all the provincial Assemblies, the Swaraj Party won a very
la1-ge following.
One of the major objections of the no-changers had been th" t
Gandb iji's leadership would be weakened by the Council entry
programme. Events proved that they were wrong. I n the Cen tral
Legislature, the Swaraj Party proposed a resolu tion urging the inime­
diate release of Mahatma Gandhi.
passed Gandhiji was released.
Before the resolu tion could be
I have said that the Swaraj Party won a large follo11·ing in the
central as well as the provins;ial legislatures. Perhaps i ts 111ost l'e­
markable achiewment was it; success in capturing scats reserved for
This was largely due to the political realism of Mr Das
Ƅಓၘ which I have referred above. The electora tes were communal
and only Muslim voters returned Muslim legislators. The i\Iuslim
League and other communal parties were therefore able to play
upon the fears of the Muslims and generally returned candi­
dates with communal leanings.
Mr Das was able to ovcrco1i1e the
apprehensions of the Muslims of Bengal and· was acclai med as their .
leader. The way he solYed the communal problem of Bengal is
memorable anp should sene as an example even today.
In �engal, Muslims were the majority community, but for \'arious
reasons they were educationally and politically backwanl. EYen though
༒फߧဋၘ numbered oYer
ȝĸௐ per cent of the population, they held hardly
̤ʰၘper cent of the posts under the Government'. ̕ࡌൃၘ C. đķ R. Das was a
ူ ၗ ေ · ࢚ൈç‫ה‬ƅၘ realist and immediately saw that the problem was an economic
ി ǧൃ one. He realized that till the · ��uslims were given the necessary
assurances ‫ܭ‬/ൃ their e�ohomic fnture, they could ఇ༑ၘ be expected ༐ಒၘ
ȭɥΖ the ϑ੎৕݊ஊൃ whole-heartedly. He the/fore ୎‫ ၘߨۢ׎‬a declara tion
C. R. Das's ϘĹօࣲøଋøఫࡖੌ৔ൃ
which impre�-not only Bengal but the ಼‫੉ޣ‬űķൃof India. He ഽ౭৓ք೺
ed that when Congress secured the reins of powers in Bengal, ਘ༏ၘಿੋ̎̏đൃ
Ϟςଢ଼ per
cent of all new appoinm1ents for the
෼ོ‫ٺ‬पၘ time as th11Y achieved proper representation ccordin࢘ၘto ઒†౮ࣾാൃ
tion. He went 'even further in respect of the Calcutta Corporation
and offe1 č˖ ‫ൃײ‬to reserve 80 per cent of the new appointments on ƹࡐ*ࡑࣿൃ
ǕŠ*ƹʒൃ Ʉ Ѐళൃ pointed out that so long as the Ҧusl imൃ಻Ķଈķൃ not †ଟ
perly represe nted in public life and in the services, there could be no
true democracy in Bengal. Once the inequalities had been rectified,
Muslims would be able to compe te on equal terms with other
communities and there would be no need for any special ƨ\\ଣǖŤƗ৒ʓңൃ
nnouncement shook the Bengal Congress to ਙཆၘ ಔ‫ۅ‬ଥൃ
Hny of the Congress Ɂ%+ʧˀΖ violent૝̐Ζ opposed it and
started a ֑Ŷઉࡕ݇ൃ against Mr Das. He waൃ accused of opportunism
and even partisanship for the Muslims but he ǖƗ੊‫ ൃ׵‬உűi‫ ൃ׳‬Թൃ Ż˖ ƨ੘ࢊൃ
This bold
fou nda ti^n .
He toured the whole province and explained his point of view. His
attitude made a great impression on Muslims ਚ௷ၘ'Bengal and out­
side. I am con vi nced that if he had not died a
would h a,-e
ĂƤeԕ t‫ൃש‬Ԗൃ new at mosphre
અଉ*ԣǕ౬Š‫ ۄ‬Ȍൃdeath, he
in the country. It i5
˖ matter
for regret that after he died, some of his followers assailed hi� position
and his declaration was repudiated. The result was that
- of Bengal moved away from the Congress and the - first sߥ‫ ൃ۝‬of
partition we re sown.
I must however make one fact clear.
The Provincial Congress
Committee of Bombay eITed in denying - local leadership to
Nari *an and the 'Vorking Committee was not
trong enouࢗh
i·ectify the wrong. Apart from this one lapse, Congress made every
effort to live up to its principles.
Once the Ministries were formed,
necessary measures were taken to ensure justice to all mi norities .
This was the first occasion on which Congi·ess was taking up the
responsibi l ity of adm inਗstrt ion. It was thus a trial for the Congres5
and people watchNjd ऩ^࿏ၘ the organ ization would live up to its national
chara cter. The Muslim League's main Rropaganda againt Congress
ಾࡒ఻ൃ ‫״‬ĸ೹
Congress Ministries were carrညing out atrocities against ఺Ķൃ minori­
ties. It appoin ted a committee which presented ż˖ ‹‫ۇ‬ઑଊపൃॖৢൃԴԵൃ
had been that it was national only in name. Not content
faming Congress in general terms, the League also gave out that
þlim and oi:hei'
Ą˟ǯľnˠ¦/ˁ/Ζ ɉǃΖ
k inds of allegations about unfair treatment of.'--
m inorities.
I can speak from personal knowled
tions were absolutelx unfounded. This was also ࡹʗȘၘ
which was
India Wins Freedom
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